Showing posts with label argue. Show all posts
Showing posts with label argue. Show all posts

Saturday, December 14, 2013

Court Cites Past Racism to Argue Polygamy Ban Unconstitutional


A Utah district court ruled in favor of a polygamous family this past Friday. Oddly, the ruling relied heavily on arguing that a reason the United States outlawed bigamy was a distaste for practices of Eastern cultures–despite the Mormon Church being native to the United States.


The case, Brown v. Buhman (full legal opinion here), resolves a series of claims and counterclaims between the Brown family–stars of the reality show Sister Wives–and the state of Utah. As a District Court case that also resolves who rightfully belongs in the suit and why it should move forward logistically (and never mind the bizarre aside about Edward Said), following the legal procedure and getting to the real meat of this decision can be complicated for the layman. The trick is to follow what precedent the plaintiffs cite, and how seriously the court takes each.


The Browns argue that because of their prominence as reality TV celebrities, their living arrangement has been especially vulnerable to government intrusion. They claim they should be allowed to practice polygamy on a number of First Amendment grounds (free speech, free association, free exercise of religion), which allows them to also sue under the statute that creates a civil remedy for someone whose constitutional rights have been violated by the state (42 U.S.C. §1983). They also claim that they have not been given equal protection as a protected minority under the law and that the state has violated their due process.


The state did not address these concerns in responding to the suit and, according to the court, provided no admissible evidence of the “social harms” of polygamy. 


This in some ways left the court to figure out their argument for themselves, hence the bizarre emphasis on Said’s “Orientalism” used to make the fundamental claim that the United States waged a “war” against the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, one in which banning polygamy played a prominent role. The court argues, essentially, that racism was behind the banning of polygamy: “the social harm was introducing a practice perceived to be characteristic of non-European people—or non-white races—into white American society.” 


In other words: banning polygamy was a way to get deviant white people to start “acting” white. The court goes on to cite a previous case upholding polygamy bans as a prevention of a “return to barbarism,” and condemns such “derisive societal views about race and ethnic origin.”


The accusations of racism form a major part of the beginning of the opinion, but the court ultimately incorporates them into a bigger legal argument. Because religious groups are protected under the Due Process Clause, the state has to have a rational basis on which to curb their freedom. The basis the court cites is that the state is racist, as noted above. Because the ban on multiple legal marriages regulates behavior that is actually sanctioned legally, polygamy, narrowly defined, remains illegal.


The key to the case is that the Browns are seeking only the legality of their living situation, not of all of their marriages. The facts of the case note that they do not have multiple marriage licenses–only one male/female couple is legally married–and that Utah has especially strict polygamy laws because of its history as a Mormon state (Washington required these laws to allow Utah into the Union). In exact terms, the “strictness” of the law comes from its ban on “cohabitation,” not just marriage. This is the provision the court has found unconstitutional.


The lawyers defending the Browns appear to see the case as something greater than a step forward for the freedom of fundamentalists to marry, however. The Browns’ attorney, Jonathan Turley, called the case a “victory not for polygamy but privacy in America.” It is an issue, the argument goes, that affects everyone’s right to live how they choose and with whoever they choose. It is another front in the fight against big government, as Turley’s affidavit argues.


This type of argument–which also rears its head slightly in the case with the citations to Lawrence v. Texas, the case that overturned all sodomy bans–will make the case lend itself to the “slippery slope” argument against same-sex marriage. Some will argue, the legalization of same-sex marriage indicates we are already seeing a move towards accepting polygamy. And, yes, Lawrence plays a prominent role in the argument in favor of unofficial polygamy: American adults have a right to do whatever they want to each other consensually in the privacy of their own bedrooms. 


But even then, the court finds that “religious cohabitation does not qualify for heightened scrutiny under the substantive due process” (in other words, religious cohabitation is not as worthy a behavior of protection as sodomy). That argument obscures the true absurdity of this decision, however: the fact that it essentially argues that opposing polygamy is racist, even if all parties involved are white.






    





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Court Cites Past Racism to Argue Polygamy Ban Unconstitutional

Sunday, July 28, 2013

A Mathematical Model Of Gun Control Means We Can Finally Argue Over Data


UC Irvine researchers have published a model to predict how gun control affects homicide rates.



Gun Control
Gun Control Francois Polito via Wikimedia Commons


As highly debated as the topic of gun control is in America, there’s almost no research into the causes of gun violence or how to prevent it. Until recently, there was a virtual gag on gun violence research because of a stipulation that federally funded research can’t promote gun control.


In January, President Obama changed the game by defining gun violence as a public health issue, and calling for more comprehensive research. In response, University of California, Irvine professors Dominik Wodarz and Natalia Komarova created the first mathematical model to measure how legal gun availability impacts firearm-related homicide rates, published today in PLOS ONE.


Mathematical models are more than just equations–they use statistics and data to describe the way a complex system works, and predict how different variables might effect outcomes. This one provides a model for the full range of possible gun-control scenarios–from the total ban of firearms to the arm everyone approach.


“We’re trying to bring epidemiological approaches to this field of gun violence and violence prevention, so we can predict what strategies are better for preventing death instead of just arguing about it,” says Wodarz, a biologist who studies disease and evolutionary dynamics through mathematical models.


“What is under debate is essentially an epidemiological problem,” he and his co-author and wife, mathematician Natalia Komarova, write in the paper. “How do different gun control strategies affect the rate at which people become killed by attackers, and how can this rate be minimized?”


Models Of One-Against-Many Attacks

Models Of One-Against-Many Attacks: The probability that a ban of firearms would be the optimal policy in shootings that involve one attacker and multiple victims. Above the dashed lines, the ban is the optimal policy for minimizing violence.  Wodarz et al.



They incorporated variables like the percent of the population that legally owns guns, the fraction of the criminal population that owns guns illegally, and whether you’re more or less likely to die in an attack if you own a gun.


“For instance, if there is no gun control–guns are allowed–what is the percentage of the population that will take up their legal right? How many will actually carry it?” Komarova explains. “This is something that can be estimated.”


Though with the previously published data available, their analysis suggested that a ban of private gun possession or a partial reduction in gun availability might lower the rate of gun-related homicides, this model can’t tell us definitively how gun deaths might be prevented yet. It’s just a preliminary model to how we might approach the debate scientifically, one that can be updated as more statistics become available. “There’s a lack of data in the field,” Komarova says, because of the effective ban on federal funding for this type of research. “One of the purposes of the study was to encourage people to go and study these things.” The researchers liken it to trying to diagnose a disease without having access to things like the patient’s temperature or blood pressure.


The researchers plan to continue their work with the model, possibly incorporating how the controversial Stand Your Ground law–the self-defense law that gives people the right to defend themselves against attackers without the obligation to try to retreat from the altercation–might affect homicide rates.


Any science related to gun violence is bound to be controversial, and though they didn’t need federal funding to carry out this study, the publication process was unusually rigorous here. The researchers had to satisfy the whims of 11 different peer-reviewers before publication (the typical paper only has a couple), something Komarova says has never happened to either of them over the course of publishing hundreds of journal papers.


“We complained to our colleagues and they said, ‘What do you want? It’s a paper about gun control,” she says.




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A Mathematical Model Of Gun Control Means We Can Finally Argue Over Data

Saturday, July 20, 2013

West Wing Week: 07/19/13 or "It"s Hard To Argue With Success"


This week, the 44th President hosted the 41st President at the White House to confer the 5,000th Daily Point of Light award, honored Richard Cordray as the newly confirmed Director of the Consumer Finance Protection Bureau, sat down to talk with Spanish language news anchors, and spoke on the importance of supporting full implementation of the Affordable Care Act.


Monday, July 15th


Tuesday, July 16th


  • The President sat down with four Spanish language news reporters as part of the “En vivo desde Casa Blanca” or “Live from the White House” series, where they discussed the need for the House to pass commonsense immigration reform.

Wednesday, July 17th


  • The President was joined by Richard Cordray, the newly confirmed Director of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, after serving the year as the President’s interim director. 

Thursday, July 18th






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West Wing Week: 07/19/13 or "It"s Hard To Argue With Success"