Showing posts with label aside. Show all posts
Showing posts with label aside. Show all posts

Sunday, November 17, 2013

Ephemerality Aside, SnapChat Sends Its First Permanent Message


Editor’s Note: Semil Shah works on product for Swell, is a TechCrunch columnist, and an investor. He writes at Haywire, and you can follow him on Twitter at @semil.


In many parts of Silicon Valley and the consumer technology world, the zeitgeist surrounding SnapChat is undeniably the talk of the town. In a way, it has been for most of 2013. I wrote a post on SnapChat’s rise in February 2013 and it generated an intense level of feedback. A seemingly small, unassuming outfit which builds a social, mobile application from the shores of Venice Beach, the company has grown into one of the world’s most dominant photo-sharing services, has reportedly turned down billions in acquisition offers from some of the world’s most powerful technology companies, and in a complex yet simple manner, continues to extend its brand as the hyper-growth symbol for the anti-web, anti-Facebook, anti-permanent network.


While few deny SnapChat’s growth and engagement, plenty are skeptical regarding the number of zeros tacked on to the company’s valuation as this year unfolded. Common refrains include “they have no revenue” and “it’s a frothy environment” and “it’s a bubble” and “they’re stupid for not selling and taking the money.” Yet, it wasn’t too long ago that another hyper-growth photo-sharing service was acquired for a handsome sum by one of the largest technology companies. At that time, a small chorus did want Instagram to remain independent to see if it could unseat Facebook. The majority of the crowd, however, realized that a team of under 15 could build a billion dollars worth of value in a few short years — “take the money and run.


In 18 months from Instagram to SnapChat, we find ourselves with a bit of hypocrisy.


Scores of Internet-famous startup “gurus” constantly peddle their theories, bemoaning founders and investors who help create more social media properties, more photo-sharing services, and more new companies which don’t start out with lofty ambitions. The implication in this line of criticism is to suggest that there are too many companies getting funded going after the same, small problems, a cycle which stifles innovation. Then, when valuations creep up, especially in the absence of a clear revenue model and/or for services the chattering class in technology doesn’t often use themselves, we hear more criticism about the frothiness of the market, how SnapChat will never be able to sell a proper ad unit, and how the company is overvalued on paper given all the hype surrounding the technology sector worldwide today.


The Instagram team is applauded for taking the quick exit over playing the long game. They could have potentially turned their little toy into something potentially bigger than Facebook. I tip my hat to them, no doubt. The SnapChat team is, on the other hand, often the subject of public scorn and perhaps a bit of jealousy as they brashly play a high-stakes game of courting acquisition or investment and turning up the heat. “Of course, SnapChat should take the money and run.” “It’s hard enough to build and distribute a great product, let alone slapping a robust business model on top of one.” “If SnapChat rejects these offers, they’ll have to go it alone and may flame out.


All the chatter and pontification in the world does not change some hard facts. SnapChat and other big, growing mobile messaging platforms such as, but not limited to, Line, WeChat, Whatsapp, Kik, and others are all in the middle of a high-stakes, lucrative mobile land grab. Regardless of “how” these new networks grew to such large scale, the fact remains mobile growth only continues to march on, unbundling and fracturing the concentrated graph Facebook has collected on the web. It’s not hard to imagine a future where mobile messaging apps become the predominant platform for new mobile products and services, distribution and commerce. In the eye of the storm, it’s nearly impossible to model what these apps are worth on paper — that can only be determined by the market, and in the case of SnapChat, if the reports are true, it is worth somewhere between $ 3-4Bn.


It is more precise to say that SnapChat is worth $ 3-4Bn to Facebook, or to Google, or to Tencent. Each potential acquiring company is playing a slightly different game, but their strategies all converge at the same place — in the palm of our hands. Tencent, which owns WeChat, may view SnapChat as a key piece on its chessboard; Facebook may see SnapChat as a potential runaway freight train that needs to be bought and killed; and Google may either want to bolster its mobile portfolio, or simply just get under the skin of its social network rival.


Dollars and sense aside, the larger question for me revolves around the emotions and confusions a company as seemingly simple as SnapChat can arouse among so many. The crowd wants more big ideas, more founders attacking real problems, and more investors and entrepreneurs who align incentives to build for the long-term. Yet, when a certain amount of cold-hard cash is put on the table and rejected, the crowd reaches its reserve price and calls into question the rationality of such a decision.


And, herein lies the rub. Entrepreneurs often play a series of complex, concurrent, nuanced games. Entrepreneurs often don’t have a reserve price when momentum is at their back and probably aren’t economically “rational” in the way most of us believe to be sane. In dramatic instances such as these, I go back to the silver screen — in this case, to Heath Ledger’s immortal performance as The Joker, who in one scene lectures a greedy criminal while setting his own cash bounty on fire: “All you care about is money…It’s not about the money, it’s about sending a message.” Unlike its photos which expire, SnapChat’s recent message has an aura of permanence around it, reverberating through startup technology circles and trickling into the mainstream consciousness. By publicly rejecting latest eye-popping Facebook’s offer, SnapChat reinforces its anti-Facebook message and simultaneously taps into our collective imagination and disbelief, exposing a hypocrisy in the charlatan mantras, the greed in the crowd’s thirst to make sense of valuations, and the insecurity in the harsh reality that a little app which appears to be a simple toy “could” potentially grow so large by riding the biggest technology platform wave of our lifetimes, it could render the giants before it obsolete.




TechCrunch



Ephemerality Aside, SnapChat Sends Its First Permanent Message

Wednesday, November 13, 2013

Toronto mayor admits he bought illegal drugs; council urges him to step aside




TORONTO Wed Nov 13, 2013 12:32pm EST





Toronto Mayor Rob Ford talks during council at City Hall in Toronto, November 13, 2013. REUTERS/Mark Blinch


1 of 4. Toronto Mayor Rob Ford talks during council at City Hall in Toronto, November 13, 2013.


Credit: Reuters/Mark Blinch




TORONTO (Reuters) – Toronto’s embattled mayor, Rob Ford, professed a zero-tolerance policy for drugs and gangs on Wednesday, but he also admitted he has bought illegal drugs in the past two years.


Speaking after Toronto City Council almost unanimously urged Ford to take a break from his duties, Ford said he could not change the past and would continue his efforts as mayor to save Toronto money.


Asked if he had bought illegal drugs in the past two years, he replied somberly: “Yes, I have.”


Ford last week admitted that he smoked crack cocaine “while in a drunken stupor”, and Wednesday’s call from council came in its first meeting since that admission.


An Ipsos-Reid poll conducted for several TV and radio stations and published on Wednesday showed that 76 percent of Toronto voters believe Ford should step down or take leave of absence.


“Over the last six months and especially the last few weeks we have grown increasingly concerned by the seemingly endless cycle of allegations, denials and belated admissions about your behavior,” City Councillor Jaye Robinson read from a nonbinding petition signed by 30 of the city’s 44 councilors, and passed by a vote of 41 to two.


That petition is separate from a motion, that has yet to be voted on, that asks Ford to take a leave of absence and apologize for “misleading” Toronto residents. Council has no power to force the mayor to step down or take a break unless he is convicted of a crime.


“Our city’s reputation has been damaged and continues to suffer,” Robinson said. “Together we stand to ask you to step aside and take a leave of absence to address your challenges privately outside of the public eye.”


The scandal, reminiscent of the one which enveloped former Washington, D.C., mayor Marion Barry after he was filmed smoking crack in 1990, has made Ford the target of late night-talk show jokes and drawn international media interest to Toronto.


Six months ago, the Toronto Star newspaper and media blog Gawker said they had seen a video of the mayor smoking the drug, and Toronto Police Chief Bill Blair has since confirmed the video exists.


Last week, the Star bought a separate video that showed Ford in an expletive-laden rant, making unspecified threats and pounding his hands together. Ford apologized and admitted he was “extremely inebriated”.


While council has no mechanism to remove Ford, the Ontario provincial government could unseat him through new legislation or an amendment to the City of Toronto Act, a risky move that the province’s Liberal government says would set a dangerous precedent.


While Ford has admitted to moments of heavy drinking and drug use, he has said he does not need to seek treatment.


(The headline and text of this story has been corrected to say Ford admitted to buying illegal drugs, not that he admitted to buying crack))


(Reporting by Cameron French, additional reporting by David Ljunggren; Editing by Janet Guttsman; and Peter Galloway)





Reuters: Lifestyle



Toronto mayor admits he bought illegal drugs; council urges him to step aside

Tuesday, July 30, 2013

Weiner brushes aside Clinton criticism

Anthony Weiner is pictured. | AP Photo

The question came during Weiner’s appearance at a mayoral forum in the Bronx. | AP Photo





Anthony Weiner reportedly dissed the Clintons — his wife’s employers who have held him at a distance for years — on Monday night, as he brushed off a question about whether he would be responsive to a request from them to get out of the New York City mayor’s race.


The question came during Weiner’s appearance at a mayoral forum in the Bronx, according to reports on Twitter from New York Daily News reporter Erin Durkin.





Spitzer not voting for Weiner






“I am not terribly interested in what people who are not voters in the city of New York have to say,” Weiner said when asked what he would say if the Clintons asked him to drop out, according to Durkin.


A Weiner spokeswoman didn’t immediately respond to an email, nor did a Clinton spokesman.


(PHOTOS: 8 times Weiner lied about lewd pics)


Weiner’s wife Huma Abedin is a top aide to Hillary Clinton.


The Clintons have not asked Weiner to drop out. But associates have made clear they are displeased with the latest humiliation he has caused his wife.




POLITICO – TOP Stories



Weiner brushes aside Clinton criticism

Saturday, July 27, 2013

Brushing Aside the Rule of Law


President George W. Bush famously mocked questions about international law with fake horror and the response, “I better call my lawyer!” But the rule of law is under broader assault within the U.S. government, now centered on whether to call Egypt’s military coup a coup, as ex-CIA analyst Paul R. Pillar writes.


By Paul R. Pillar


I have spent much time around government lawyers, and nearly all of the ones I have known have consistently conducted themselves with a couple of important objectives in mind. One is to apply legal analysis fully and fairly to whatever subject is at hand, not shying away from noting legal requirements even when they become policy inconveniences. Another is to support the larger missions of those they are advising by pointing out legal ways, if they exist, to accomplish those missions.


Against that background it is disconcerting to read that the issue of the most recent Egyptian military coup and its ramifications for U.S. aid is being side-stepped in Washington by just not offering any legal opinion about the nature of the Egyptian generals’ move. A senior administration official said, “We will not say it was a coup, we will not say it was not a coup, we will just not say.”



Statues of Lady Justice can be found around the world, this one atop London’s Old Bailey courthouse.



Setting aside the legal issue about characterizing the coup, whether any suspension of U.S. aid to Egypt at this time makes sense is a question about which reasonable people can and do disagree. It is not a clear-cut policy call.


I happen to believe that suspension would be an appropriate response to the overthrow by the military of a freely elected president. If the generals’ promises about moving back in the direction of democracy are to be believed, such a suspension need not last long. There is good reason to believe a suspension would increase the likelihood the generals will keep their promises. The appropriateness of a suspension is made all the greater by indications since the military ousted Mohamed Morsi that so far the generals are moving less toward democracy than toward a replay of initial installation of military rule six decades ago.


The fact that there is a legal issue, given a statutory requirement to suspend aid in such circumstances, makes the costs of not recognizing the reality of the Egyptian coup all the greater. Failure to recognize this reality is an act of hypocrisy, which fosters additional foreign cynicism about anything the United States says concerning democratic or other values.


It also is a staining of our own political culture. It is a compromise of our respect for the rule of law, even when it is our own law. The rule of law represents one of the most fundamental differences between the United States and the least desirable polities of the world. We cannot afford to treat it casually.


To be sure, there is a problem of Congress using legislation to tie the hands of the Executive Branch in unhelpful ways that can impede effective foreign policy. Congress does too much of this; it ought to do less, especially when doing so is essentially political posturing, as it often is. At a minimum, Congress ought to incorporate more consistently than it does in legislation related to foreign policy the possibility of an Executive Branch waiver. But this is all a larger problem that is not solved by simply flouting whatever law is, for better or for worse, on the books.


There have been in recent American history too many other indications of an erosion in respect for the rule of law, from those within government whose functions are all about making or executing the law. There has been, for example, the ignoring of judicial review requirements on a matter that, as we see in current debate about electronic surveillance, is controversial enough even when the law is observed.


There have been presidential signing statements, which are a way of explaining an interpretation of a law but at times have been used instead to declare an intention not to obey a law. There is the falling into disuse of the Congressional declaration of war, replaced by Congressional expressions that are outdated or unclear regarding the legal basis for the use of military force. If these things are all part of a coherent pattern, we ought to be worried.


Paul R. Pillar, in his 28 years at the Central Intelligence Agency, rose to be one of the agency’s top analysts. He is now a visiting professor at Georgetown University for security studies. (This article first appeared as a blog post at The National Interest’s Web site. Reprinted with author’s permission.)


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Brushing Aside the Rule of Law