Showing posts with label Bilateral. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Bilateral. Show all posts

Thursday, March 6, 2014

Opinion analysis: Clear statement ruling in investor-state arbitration case leaves open question on U.S. bilateral treaties

Diane Marie Amann is the Emily and Ernest Woodruff Chair in International Law at the University of Georgia School of Law.


The Supreme Court yesterday decided its first arbitration case involving a sovereign nation-state much as it would any other international commercial arbitration matter.  Overturning an appellate ruling that a private investor’s failure to fulfill a treaty requirement had deprived arbitrators of jurisdiction, the Court’s seven-member majority effectively reinstated a multimillion-dollar arbitral award against the sovereign state, the Republic of Argentina.  The judgment rebuffed a treaty interpretation proffered by the United States, which had briefed and argued the case as an amicus.  Yet the Court left open the question of how it would interpret certain investment treaties to which the United States is party.


The dispute in BG Group plc v. Republic of Argentina concerned the investment of petitioner BG Group, a British firm, in a privatized natural gas utility operating in Buenos Aires.  At the time of the early 1990s investment, Argentine law linked gas tariffs to the U.S. dollar.  But Argentina broke the linkage when its economy collapsed less than a decade later.  That and other emergency measures resulted in losses for BG Group, which in 2003 sought arbitration pursuant to a 1990 bilateral investment treaty between the United Kingdom and Argentina – one of the thousands of BITs that countries have concluded in the last quarter-century.  Following an arbitration in Washington, D.C., arbitrators concluded in 2007 that Argentina had not accorded BG Group “fair and equitable treatment” as required by Article 2(2) of the treaty, and thus ordered Argentina to pay $ 185 million in damages.  The matter then moved to federal court.


In 2011, the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia confirmed the arbitral award.  A year later the D.C. Circuit reversed.  Its decision turned on Article 8(2)(a) of the Britain-Argentina treaty, which provides that a dispute shall be submitted to arbitration upon one party’s request “where, after a period of eighteen months has elapsed from the moment when the dispute was submitted to the competent tribunal . . . , the said tribunal has not given its final decision.”  The arbitrators had ruled that it would have been “absurd and unreasonable” to enforce this local litigation requirement in the face of emergency restrictions imposed by Argentina, and the district court deferred to this determination.  But the D.C. Circuit reviewed the issue de novo, held that BG Group’s failure to satisfy the requirement had stripped the arbitrators of jurisdiction, and vacated the arbitral award.


Whether deferential or de novo review was appropriate amounted to a question of “who – court or arbitrator – bears primary responsibility for interpreting” the treaty provision, according to the opinion for the Court by Justice Stephen G. Breyer.  In search of an answer, the Court followed a two-step approach, “initially treat[ing] the document before us as if it were an ordinary contract between private parties,” and then examining “whether the fact that the document in question is a treaty makes a critical difference.” Citing precedents including Breyer’s own opinion for the Court in Howsam v. Dean Witter Reynolds, Inc., the Court held that in disputes involving “ordinary contracts,” courts decide substantive issues of “arbitrability,” while “procedural matters” are presumptively left to arbitrators.  The local litigation clause in Article 8 constitutes “a purely procedural requirement – a claims-processing rule that governs when arbitration may begin,” the Court wrote in BG Group.  It found in the text of the Britain-Argentina treaty no evidence that drafters intended to displace this “ordinary contract assumption.”


The Court then acknowledged that what was at issue was not a private contract, but a treaty, and it expressed “respect” for “the Government’s views about the proper interpretation of treaties.” Yet the Court rejected the United States’s view that the local litigation clause was “‘a condition on the State’s consent’” meriting de novo scrutiny. Instead, the Court applied “‘a [h]ighly [d]eferential’” standard of review, and accepted the arbitrators’ determination that they had jurisdiction to resolve the dispute. The Britain-Argentina treaty, it reasoned, contained no “explicit language” or other evidence of an intent to set aside the “ordinary interpretive framework.”


The dissenters found little that was ordinary in this case of first impression. Of foremost concern was the fact that the document at issue was “a treaty between two sovereign nations” to which “[n]o investor is a party,” wrote Chief Justice John G. Roberts, Jr., in a dissent joined by Justice Anthony M. Kennedy.  By focusing first on private contracts, the majority “start[s] down the wrong road” and “ends up at the wrong place,” the dissent added.  In the dissenters’ view, Article 8(2)(a) is a substantive rather than a procedural requirement:  it “constitutes only a unilateral standing offer by Argentina with respect to U.K. investors” – an offer that must be accepted via submission of the dispute to a local court before Argentina may be held to have consented to arbitration.  Arguing for a remand to determine if actions by Argentina excused BG Group’s failure to exhaust the local adjudicative remedy, dissenters emphasized the investor-state aspect of the dispute:  “It is no trifling matter for a sovereign nation to subject itself to suit by private parties; we do not presume that any country – including our own – takes that step lightly.”


Quoting this passage was Justice Sonia Sotomayor, in a concurrence in part that charted a path between the majority and dissenting opinions. Sotomayor agreed with the dissenters that the prerequisite of parties’ consent to arbitration “is especially salient in the context of a bilateral investment treaty” that amounts to “a nation state’s standing offer to arbitrate with an amorphous class of private investors.”  Unlike the dissent, however, Sotomayor found insufficient evidence that drafters intended such an offer.  She thus distinguished Article 8 of the Britain-Argentina pact from the explicit “Conditions and limitations on Consent of Each Party” contained in Article 11.18 of the U.S.-Korea Free Trade Agreement.  Sotomayor explained that she joined the opinion for the Court with the understanding that the majority “wisely ‘leave[s] for another day the question of interpreting treaties that refer to “conditions of consent” explicitly.’”


The Court’s decision in BG Group thus may prove simply to impose a clear statement rule – a rule that no less than a private party, a nation-state which wants to assure that courts rather than arbitrators have the last word on whether it consented to arbitration must say so explicitly. As an amicus, the United States argued that such intent might be implicit in the bilateral investment treaty at issue.  Although the majority disagreed, as Sotomayor’s concurrence indicated, its holding may not extend to U.S. treaties that, unlike the Britain-Argentina treaty, contain explicit conditions.  These include not only the U.S.-Korea agreement, but also the North American Free Trade Agreement, to which the United States belongs along with Mexico and Canada, and the U.S. Model Bilateral Investment Treaty. Whether in some future case the Supreme Court will enforce such express provisions remains an open question.


Plain English summary:


The Court’s decision in BG Group plc v. Republic of Argentina turned on a clause in an investment treaty between the United Kingdom and Argentina that required a private investor (here, a British company that had invested in Argentina) that wished to arbitrate its dispute with the host country first to submit the dispute to the country’s local court system and then wait for eighteen months.  A divided Supreme Court held that arbitrators, and not courts, are primarily responsible for deciding what to do if the private investor fails to satisfy this requirement. The Supreme Court thus reversed a decision in which the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit overturned an arbitral award excusing such a failure by BG Group. The Court held that the local litigation requirement was a procedural, rather than substantive matter; therefore, courts should defer to the arbitrators’ determination.  Two Justices dissented. A third Justice concurred in part on the understanding that the Court’s opinion left for another day the question of how to interpret a clause that – unlike the one the Court was reviewing – explicitly conditioned the country’s consent to arbitration on fulfillment of the requirement.


[Disclosure: Goldstein & Russell, P.C., whose attorneys contribute to this blog in various capacities, served as counsel to the petitioner in this case. The author of this post is not affiliated with that law firm.]


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Opinion analysis: Clear statement ruling in investor-state arbitration case leaves open question on U.S. bilateral treaties

Monday, July 29, 2013

President Obama"s Bilateral Meeting with President Truong Tan Sang


Oval Office


11:30 A.M. EDT


PRESIDENT OBAMA:  It is my pleasure to welcome President Truong Tan Sang to the White House and to the Oval Office for his first bilateral meeting with me.  This represents the steady progression and strengthening of the relationship between our two countries. 


Obviously, we all recognize the extraordinarily complex history between the United States and Vietnam.  Step by step, what we have been able to establish is a degree of mutual respect and trust that has allowed us now to announce a comprehensive partnership between our two countries that will allow even greater cooperation on a whole range of issues from trade and commerce to military-to-military cooperation, to multilateral work on issues like disaster relief, to scientific and educational exchanges.


What we’ve also discussed is the ways in which through the Trans-Pacific Partnership — or TPP — both the United States and Vietnam are participating in what will be an extraordinarily ambitious effort to increase trade, commerce and transparency in terms of commercial relationships throughout the Asia Pacific region.  And we’re committed to the ambitious goal of completing this agreement before the end of the year because we know that this can create jobs and increase investment across the region and in both our countries. 


We discussed the need for continued efforts to resolve peacefully maritime issues that have surfaced in the South China Sea and other parts of the Asia Pacific region.  And we very much appreciate Vietnam’s commitment to working with ASEAN and the East Asia Summit in order for us to arrive at Codes of Conduct that will help to resolve these issues peacefully and fairly.


We discussed the challenges that all of us face when it comes to issues of human rights, and we emphasized how the United States continues to believe that all of us have to respect issues like freedom of expression, freedom of religion, freedom of assembly.  And we had a very candid conversation about both the progress that Vietnam is making and the challenges that remain.


We both reaffirmed the efforts that have been made to deal with war legacy issues.  We very much appreciate Vietnam’s continued cooperation as we try to recover our Missing in Action and those that were lost during the course of the war.  And I reaffirmed the United States’ commitment to work with Vietnam around some of the environmental and health issues that have continued, decades later, because of the war.


Finally, we agreed that one of the great sources of strength between our two countries is the Vietnamese American population that is here but obviously has continued strong ties to Vietnam. And ultimately, it’s those people-to-people relations that are the glue that can strengthen the relationship between any two countries. 


So I just want to say to President Sang how much I appreciate his visit.  I think it signifies the maturing and the next stage of the development between the United States and Vietnam.  As we increase consultation, increase cooperation, increase trade, and scientific and education exchanges, ultimately, that’s going to be good for the prosperity and opportunities of the people here in the United States, as well as good for the opportunities and prosperity of the people of Vietnam. 


At the conclusion of the meeting, President Sang shared with me a copy of a letter sent by Ho Chi Minh to Harry Truman.  And we discussed the fact that Ho Chi Minh was actually inspired by the U.S. Declaration of Independence and Constitution, and the words of Thomas Jefferson.  Ho Chi Minh talks about his interest in cooperation with the United States.  And President Sang indicated that even if it’s 67 years later, it’s good that we’re still making progress. 


Thank you very much for your visit.  And I look forward to continued work together. 


PRESIDENT SANG:  (As interpreted.)  Once again, I would like to thank you, President Obama, for your kind invitation extended to me to visit the United States as well as the warm hospitality that you have extended to me over the past couple of days while I’m here in the U.S.


To be frank, President Obama and I had a very candid, open, useful and constructive discussion.  Given the progress of our bilateral relationship over the past 18 years, it is time now to form a comprehensive partnership in order to further strengthen our relations in various areas. 


We discussed various matters, including political relations, science and technology, education, defense, the legacy of the war issue, environment, the Vietnamese-American community, human rights as well — and the East Sea as well.


In a candid, open and constructive spirit, we have come to agree on many issues.  We will strengthen high-level exchanges between the two countries.  We will consider in order to continue our — to upgrade the mechanism of cooperation at the high level, as well as take the best use of the existing mechanism of cooperation.  Particularly, we will continue regular dialogue at the highest level as possible.  I believe that this is the way in order to build a political trust for further development of our cooperation in all areas. 


Economic and trade relation continue to be important to our relations.  As far as TPP is concerned, the Vietnamese side will do its upmost in order to participate in the process of negotiations for the conclusion of TPP by the end of this year. 


We also discussed in detail our cooperation in science and technology, in education and training, as well as security and defense.  We also touched upon the war legacy issue, including human rights, which we still remain — which we still have differences on the issue.


I also expressed my appreciation for the care that the U.S. has extended to the Vietnamese who came to settle in the United States and now they have become American citizens and contributing to the overall development of the U.S.  And thanks to the support and assistance from the U.S. government as well as the American people, the Vietnamese-American community here in the U.S. has become more and more prosperous and successful in their life as well as work.


And I also would like to take this opportunity to convey a message from our government to the Vietnamese-American community here in the U.S. that we would like to see you contributing more and more to the friendship between our two countries as well as further development of our relationship in the future.


We also discussed in detail the issue of the East Sea.  We appreciate and welcome the U.S. support for our stance in this matter, as well as the stance of ASEAN related to this particular matter, and we appreciate the U.S. support to solving the matter by peaceful means in accordance with international law, DOC, and moving toward COC.  We welcome the United States’ support as well as other countries’ support in the matter in order to ensure peace, stability, prosperity not only in the East Sea but also in the Asia Pacific and the world at large.


Last but not least, I also, on behalf of our government and our state, to extend to President Obama our invitation to visit Vietnam.  And President Obama has accepted our invitation and will try his best to pay a visit to Vietnam during his term.


And, once again, I would like to thank President Obama and all of the American people for their warm hospitality extended to me during this trip to the United States.  And I believe that our cooperation will continue to strengthen for the mutual interest and benefit of our people.


Thank you. 


PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you very much, everybody.


END
11:50 A.M. EDT


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White House Speeches



President Obama"s Bilateral Meeting with President Truong Tan Sang

Wednesday, July 10, 2013

Lawmakers urge firm U.S. line on China in bilateral talks


Committee Chairman U.S. Representative Dave Camp (R-MI) (L) and ranking member Representative Sander Levin (D-MI) (R) during a House Ways and Means Committee hearing on the status of the IRS

Committee Chairman U.S. Representative Dave Camp (R-MI) (L) and ranking member Representative Sander Levin (D-MI) (R) during a House Ways and Means Committee hearing on the status of the IRS’s targeting of political groups, on Capitol Hill in Washington, June 27, 2013.


Credit: Reuters/Jonathan Ernst






WASHINGTON | Tue Jul 9, 2013 7:13pm EDT



WASHINGTON (Reuters) – U.S. lawmakers influential on trade policy urged the Obama administration on Tuesday to press China in talks this week to halt the theft of intellectual property and curb practices that discriminate against American companies.


The letter to Obama cabinet officials on the eve of the annual U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue contained a laundry list of complaints, from software piracy to market and regulatory barriers and forced technology transfer.


“We remain very concerned that China has halted – and in many cases reversed – its market reforms,” the lawmakers said in the letter to Secretary of State John Kerry, Treasury Secretary Jack Lew, Commerce Secretary Penny Pritzker and U.S. Trade Representative Michael Froman.


“China must move away from an economic model dominated by state-owned enterprises, trade-distorting subsidies, and economic protectionism,” the bipartisan group wrote.


“The theft of proprietary information threatens to undermine our economic relationship, is unacceptable, and must stop,” they said, noting that much of the theft was done by cyber means.


The lawmakers voiced support for the five-year-old Strategic and Economic Dialogue process between the world’s two biggest economies, but said China has been “woefully inadequate and incomplete” in implementing past agreements and called for more U.S. scrutiny.


The letter was signed by House Ways and Means Committee Chairman Dave Camp, a Republican; Senate Finance Committee Chairman Max Baucus, a Democrat; House Ways and Means Committee ranking Democrat Sandy Levin; and Senate Finance Committee ranking Republican Orrin Hatch.


The Obama administration must “use meaningful metrics to measure progress and to be aggressive in ensuring that China is fully implementing its commitments and doing so in a commercially meaningful way,” said the letter.


Among the Chinese practices the lawmakers said required more U.S. pressure to change were “indigenous innovation” policies that require foreigners to transfer technology to China in order to sell into the market, unscientific barriers to beef and other farm goods and favoritism to China’s state sector.


EXCHANGE RATE


They also repeated longstanding concerns that China deliberately keeps it currency undervalued to make its exports more competitive in international markets.


“China must stop intervening massively and in one direction in the foreign exchange markets, and move more rapidly towards allowing the renminbi exchange rate to be set by market forces,” wrote the lawmakers.


There was no immediate response to the letter, but U.S. officials outlining Washington’s priorities for the July 10-11 talks in Washington outlined a similar agenda.


“We’ll continue to, of course, push on exchange rates and to try to push forward on the market determination of both exchange rates and interest rates,” a senior Obama administration official told reporters on Monday.


The official said the U.S. delegation would also raise regulatory and financial favoritism toward Chinese state-owned enterprises and other policies “putting them at a competitive advantage and our companies at a disadvantage.”


Beyond specific trade and financial issues, U.S. officials say they want to use this week’s talks to learn more about economic reform plans circulating in Beijing under President Xi Jinping, who took office in March.


Kerry and Lew will host a Chinese delegation led by State Councilor Yang Jiechi and Vice Premier Wang Yang.


Lew, who visited Beijing shortly after Xi and a new cabinet led by Premier Li Keqiang took office, said he detected signs that some changes advocated by the United States were gaining traction in Beijing.


“If I had to guess, we’re going to see the direction of change be clear, that the moves toward more market-oriented reforms will be clear,” Lew told CNN, according to a transcript of an interview conducted on Monday.


“But the pace will probably be slower than we would like, or, frankly, than would be good for the Chinese people,” he said.


China has concerns of its own about U.S. policy.


Beijing has long demanded that Washington ease Cold War-era controls on the export of high technology and clarify the approval process for Chinese acquisitions of America companies. Chinese investments in U.S. assets sometimes draw opposition from U.S. lawmakers.


(Additional reporting by Anna Yukhananov and Doug Palmer; Editing by Mohammad Zargham)






Reuters: Politics



Lawmakers urge firm U.S. line on China in bilateral talks