Showing posts with label opinion. Show all posts
Showing posts with label opinion. Show all posts

Friday, March 21, 2014

CPS Takes Baby After Mom Asks For 2nd Opinion From Doctor Part 1

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CPS Takes Baby After Mom Asks For 2nd Opinion From Doctor Part 1

Thursday, March 6, 2014

Opinion analysis: Clear statement ruling in investor-state arbitration case leaves open question on U.S. bilateral treaties

Diane Marie Amann is the Emily and Ernest Woodruff Chair in International Law at the University of Georgia School of Law.


The Supreme Court yesterday decided its first arbitration case involving a sovereign nation-state much as it would any other international commercial arbitration matter.  Overturning an appellate ruling that a private investor’s failure to fulfill a treaty requirement had deprived arbitrators of jurisdiction, the Court’s seven-member majority effectively reinstated a multimillion-dollar arbitral award against the sovereign state, the Republic of Argentina.  The judgment rebuffed a treaty interpretation proffered by the United States, which had briefed and argued the case as an amicus.  Yet the Court left open the question of how it would interpret certain investment treaties to which the United States is party.


The dispute in BG Group plc v. Republic of Argentina concerned the investment of petitioner BG Group, a British firm, in a privatized natural gas utility operating in Buenos Aires.  At the time of the early 1990s investment, Argentine law linked gas tariffs to the U.S. dollar.  But Argentina broke the linkage when its economy collapsed less than a decade later.  That and other emergency measures resulted in losses for BG Group, which in 2003 sought arbitration pursuant to a 1990 bilateral investment treaty between the United Kingdom and Argentina – one of the thousands of BITs that countries have concluded in the last quarter-century.  Following an arbitration in Washington, D.C., arbitrators concluded in 2007 that Argentina had not accorded BG Group “fair and equitable treatment” as required by Article 2(2) of the treaty, and thus ordered Argentina to pay $ 185 million in damages.  The matter then moved to federal court.


In 2011, the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia confirmed the arbitral award.  A year later the D.C. Circuit reversed.  Its decision turned on Article 8(2)(a) of the Britain-Argentina treaty, which provides that a dispute shall be submitted to arbitration upon one party’s request “where, after a period of eighteen months has elapsed from the moment when the dispute was submitted to the competent tribunal . . . , the said tribunal has not given its final decision.”  The arbitrators had ruled that it would have been “absurd and unreasonable” to enforce this local litigation requirement in the face of emergency restrictions imposed by Argentina, and the district court deferred to this determination.  But the D.C. Circuit reviewed the issue de novo, held that BG Group’s failure to satisfy the requirement had stripped the arbitrators of jurisdiction, and vacated the arbitral award.


Whether deferential or de novo review was appropriate amounted to a question of “who – court or arbitrator – bears primary responsibility for interpreting” the treaty provision, according to the opinion for the Court by Justice Stephen G. Breyer.  In search of an answer, the Court followed a two-step approach, “initially treat[ing] the document before us as if it were an ordinary contract between private parties,” and then examining “whether the fact that the document in question is a treaty makes a critical difference.” Citing precedents including Breyer’s own opinion for the Court in Howsam v. Dean Witter Reynolds, Inc., the Court held that in disputes involving “ordinary contracts,” courts decide substantive issues of “arbitrability,” while “procedural matters” are presumptively left to arbitrators.  The local litigation clause in Article 8 constitutes “a purely procedural requirement – a claims-processing rule that governs when arbitration may begin,” the Court wrote in BG Group.  It found in the text of the Britain-Argentina treaty no evidence that drafters intended to displace this “ordinary contract assumption.”


The Court then acknowledged that what was at issue was not a private contract, but a treaty, and it expressed “respect” for “the Government’s views about the proper interpretation of treaties.” Yet the Court rejected the United States’s view that the local litigation clause was “‘a condition on the State’s consent’” meriting de novo scrutiny. Instead, the Court applied “‘a [h]ighly [d]eferential’” standard of review, and accepted the arbitrators’ determination that they had jurisdiction to resolve the dispute. The Britain-Argentina treaty, it reasoned, contained no “explicit language” or other evidence of an intent to set aside the “ordinary interpretive framework.”


The dissenters found little that was ordinary in this case of first impression. Of foremost concern was the fact that the document at issue was “a treaty between two sovereign nations” to which “[n]o investor is a party,” wrote Chief Justice John G. Roberts, Jr., in a dissent joined by Justice Anthony M. Kennedy.  By focusing first on private contracts, the majority “start[s] down the wrong road” and “ends up at the wrong place,” the dissent added.  In the dissenters’ view, Article 8(2)(a) is a substantive rather than a procedural requirement:  it “constitutes only a unilateral standing offer by Argentina with respect to U.K. investors” – an offer that must be accepted via submission of the dispute to a local court before Argentina may be held to have consented to arbitration.  Arguing for a remand to determine if actions by Argentina excused BG Group’s failure to exhaust the local adjudicative remedy, dissenters emphasized the investor-state aspect of the dispute:  “It is no trifling matter for a sovereign nation to subject itself to suit by private parties; we do not presume that any country – including our own – takes that step lightly.”


Quoting this passage was Justice Sonia Sotomayor, in a concurrence in part that charted a path between the majority and dissenting opinions. Sotomayor agreed with the dissenters that the prerequisite of parties’ consent to arbitration “is especially salient in the context of a bilateral investment treaty” that amounts to “a nation state’s standing offer to arbitrate with an amorphous class of private investors.”  Unlike the dissent, however, Sotomayor found insufficient evidence that drafters intended such an offer.  She thus distinguished Article 8 of the Britain-Argentina pact from the explicit “Conditions and limitations on Consent of Each Party” contained in Article 11.18 of the U.S.-Korea Free Trade Agreement.  Sotomayor explained that she joined the opinion for the Court with the understanding that the majority “wisely ‘leave[s] for another day the question of interpreting treaties that refer to “conditions of consent” explicitly.’”


The Court’s decision in BG Group thus may prove simply to impose a clear statement rule – a rule that no less than a private party, a nation-state which wants to assure that courts rather than arbitrators have the last word on whether it consented to arbitration must say so explicitly. As an amicus, the United States argued that such intent might be implicit in the bilateral investment treaty at issue.  Although the majority disagreed, as Sotomayor’s concurrence indicated, its holding may not extend to U.S. treaties that, unlike the Britain-Argentina treaty, contain explicit conditions.  These include not only the U.S.-Korea agreement, but also the North American Free Trade Agreement, to which the United States belongs along with Mexico and Canada, and the U.S. Model Bilateral Investment Treaty. Whether in some future case the Supreme Court will enforce such express provisions remains an open question.


Plain English summary:


The Court’s decision in BG Group plc v. Republic of Argentina turned on a clause in an investment treaty between the United Kingdom and Argentina that required a private investor (here, a British company that had invested in Argentina) that wished to arbitrate its dispute with the host country first to submit the dispute to the country’s local court system and then wait for eighteen months.  A divided Supreme Court held that arbitrators, and not courts, are primarily responsible for deciding what to do if the private investor fails to satisfy this requirement. The Supreme Court thus reversed a decision in which the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit overturned an arbitral award excusing such a failure by BG Group. The Court held that the local litigation requirement was a procedural, rather than substantive matter; therefore, courts should defer to the arbitrators’ determination.  Two Justices dissented. A third Justice concurred in part on the understanding that the Court’s opinion left for another day the question of how to interpret a clause that – unlike the one the Court was reviewing – explicitly conditioned the country’s consent to arbitration on fulfillment of the requirement.


[Disclosure: Goldstein & Russell, P.C., whose attorneys contribute to this blog in various capacities, served as counsel to the petitioner in this case. The author of this post is not affiliated with that law firm.]


In association with Bloomberg Law




SCOTUSblog



Opinion analysis: Clear statement ruling in investor-state arbitration case leaves open question on U.S. bilateral treaties

Tuesday, March 4, 2014

Opinion analysis: Justices stick with Bankruptcy Code text, rejecting Ninth Circuit’s creative punishment of lying bankrupt

As quick off the mark as usual, Justice Scalia’s unanimous opinion for the Court in Law v. Siegel was the Court’s first opinion from the January argument calendar and his fourth opinion (more than any other Justice) of the 2013 Term.



Justice Scalia delivers opinion (Art Lien)

Justice Scalia delivers opinion (Art Lien)



The case involves a bankrupt (Law) who tried to keep money from his creditors by claiming that his home was subject to a fictional lien.  Law’s activity in support of this fiction was remarkable; as the Court’s opinion notes, it extended (according to the courts below) to the filing of fictitious pleadings that he forged in the name of the fictitious lienholder.  By the end of the day, the trustee in the bankruptcy proceeding (Siegel) spent several hundred thousand dollars proving that Law’s claim was wholly fabricated. Outraged by the conduct, the bankruptcy court (following established Ninth Circuit precedent) held that the trustee could collect the expenses of that litigation out of the funds Law received from the sale of his homestead. Ordinarily, those funds would have been exempt under California’s homestead exemption (which differs in no material way from the homestead exemptions of every other state).


My posts on the briefs and on the argument suggested that the case presented the Justices with a stark choice between applying the plain language of the Bankruptcy Code (which would require it to reverse the Ninth Circuit), and giving in to the understandable impulse to affirm the capacity of the bankruptcy courts to dole out stern punishment for the remarkably deplorable conduct at issue here. The quick and unanimous reversal suggests that the Justices whose comments at the argument expressed so much outrage at Law’s conduct could not, on reflection, find a colorable basis for upholding the Ninth Circuit.


The Court’s brisk and workmanlike statutory analysis reads like the answer a talented student would give to a relatively simple exam question. The absence of qualifications or quibbles in its description of the relevant principles make it just the kind of opinion that is likely to be cited frequently in future briefs to the Court. The basic argument for punishing Law is that Bankruptcy Code § 105’s grant of general authority to “issue any order . . . that is necessary or appropriate to carry out the provisions of [the Bankruptcy Code]” is so general that it should be read to permit the sanction imposed in this case.  The fundamental problem, which Law could not overcome, is that the Code could hardly be any clearer in stating that bankruptcy courts cannot take exempt property (the proceeds of Law’s homestead) to fund administrative expenses (like the trustee’s litigation costs). Because the Court concluded that the order in question “contravened” the exemption rules, the Court found the order impermissible.


Among other things, the Court pointed to the provision in Section 522(k) stating that exempt assets are “not liable for the payment of any administrative expense.” The trustee’s litigation costs have to be administrative expenses for bankruptcy purposes, because they were incurred by the trustee litigating on behalf the estate; if they weren’t administrative expenses, they wouldn’t be reimbursable at all.  The suggestion that administrative expenses should have a narrower meaning in Section 522(k) than in the framework that makes those expenses an obligation of the estate was dismissed out of hand.


Nor did the Court find any substantial merit in the idea that the bankruptcy court has inherent power to deny an exemption as a sanction for misconduct.  For one thing, the courts in this case didn’t in fact deny the exemption – they granted the exemption and then “surcharged” it (the Ninth Circuit’s euphemism for confiscation). But more generally (and this part of the opinion probably will make it into future casebooks), the Court denied bankruptcy courts any authority to “withhold exemptions based on whatever considerations they deem appropriate.”  The “Code’s meticulous—not to say mind-numbingly detailed—enumeration of exemptions confirms that courts are not authorized to create additional exemptions.”


Finally, the Court rejected Law’s reliance (seconded by the United States Trustee) on its 2007 decision in Marrama v. Citizens Bank.  To be sure, the Marrama Court did have to work very hard to find a statutory basis for refusing to allow the debtor in that case to convert a bankruptcy case from Chapter 7 to Chapter 13. The easy answer for Justice Scalia would have been that he dissented from Marrama’s creative statutory construction in the first place.  But of course, with Justices Kennedy, Ginsburg, and Breyer still on the Court from the Marrama majority, he couldn’t get a unanimous Court for that explanation. So instead he summarized the statutory analysis of Marrama as colorable on its own facts but not so untethered to reality as to justify the statutory distortion that would be necessary to affirm the Ninth Circuit.


It’s a refreshingly reassuring experience to read an opinion for a unanimous Court that blithely upholds a result that most of the Justices must find distasteful. It just goes to show, even to the cynical, that legal rules, in fact, every now and then, constrain the Justices’ actions.


PLAIN LANGUAGE: When someone files for bankruptcy, ordinarily the courts cannot take the individual’s home, because it is “exempt” from the bankruptcy.  The Court in this case held that the home remains exempt even if the individual’s flagrantly deceptive conduct results in hundreds of thousands of dollars of litigation.


In association with Bloomberg Law




SCOTUSblog



Opinion analysis: Justices stick with Bankruptcy Code text, rejecting Ninth Circuit’s creative punishment of lying bankrupt

Sunday, November 24, 2013

Just My Opinion Prostitute mentality of Hollywood censorship...

How does the government and media censor Conspiracy Theories? Watch our recent video update.



Just My Opinion: Prostitute mentality of Hollywood … – YouTube ▻ 1:30▻ 1:30 www.youtube.com/watch?v=ckLhbwQFcBM 2 dias atrás – Vídeo enviado por RussiaToda…
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Just My Opinion Prostitute mentality of Hollywood censorship...

Monday, October 28, 2013

My opinion on the Gunboats in Eden Isles, LA




Henry,


As of 8:35 AM Monday, Central time, the video that you posted on your youtube channel about the gunboats in Eden Isle, La had over 106,000 views. I have been reading the comments on the youtube site and it is disturbing to say the least. While there are many Patriots posting there, many of the comments are saying things like “this is normal” and “they are just training”, etc. This is far from normal. I was active duty Army for 14 years and Louisiana National Guard for 5 years. We never and I do mean never carried or mounted weapons when out in public. We were even briefed of the laws and that we could not carry our military arms in public and in uniform.


This new way of doing things where the military is mounting and carrying weapons was normalized during Katrina. As we all know on From The Trenches, this is not legal or just in any way. However the public (sheeple) have grown accustomed to it and dont think it is a big deal. This tells me that when they do start patrolling for real with weapons locked and loaded, the sheeple will accept it 100%. The guy who shot that video lives in that neighborhood and has never seen that before. It obviously was disturbing or he would not have sent it out. Yet people are saying things like you should be glad they are there and HOOAH!.


Really? Wake up people. Even Bracken put a comment that is was a good thing and he is a Patriot. It isnt, under any circumstances a good thing. They can train on the lake, they can train anywhere else, but you do not train in residential neighborhoods. Especially with M2 Machine Guns mounted. One day these patrols will become the real deal and most Americans will say nothing until it is too late. Then they will wonder why they are being taken away or worse. Vigilance takes on a whole new meaning now. The video is kind of grainy, but if I counted correctly, there were 5 M2s on each boat, that makes 20 M2 Heavy Barrel Machine Guns, plus personal weapons. They could kill every person on that canal in a matter of minutes with that type of fire power and if it is normal to see them patrolling, that will get no resistance.


I have been wondering how it would even be possible for the DHS and other agencies to initiate hostilities and be able to handle 330,000,000 Americans all at once. Now I am starting to see it being possible. If four boats armed like that can just roll around without much notice, then they can do alot of destruction in a short time when called upon. It is going to be very important that we do not hesitate when the time comes. If they are able to gain control without much resistance, we will have one hell of a fight to get it back.


People need to be war gaming every possible scenario NOW. Think about the canal and what they could do if that was four boats full of bad guys. What if that was residential streets? What if it were trucks or worse, tanks? There is no doctrine for an insurgency. Do what works, no matter what that is. I know that I am preaching to the choir here, but if there was ever a time to get our heads in the game, it would be now. I dont know how many Patriots are on From The Trenches, but with our numbers being spread out across our great land, we can accomplish anything. We and people like us will be the leaders of the resistance and return our Republic to its rightful existence.






My opinion on the Gunboats in Eden Isles, LA

Tuesday, October 1, 2013

Chemical Weapon Expert Opinion on the UN Report on Syria


chemical_weapon1


While investigating the UN Report on chemical weapons (CW) use in Ghouta, Syria, we sought a multitude of opinions from experts and others who offered insightful observations. We published our findings in an article entitled: Questions Plague UN Report on Syria.


To learn more about Sarin and other nerve gases used in warfare, you would be hard pressed to find any better hands-on experience than in Iran, a country that suffered directly – and repeatedly – from Iraq’s use of CWs during the 1980-88 war between the two countries.


In Iran itself, there are few as qualified to speak about Sarin and other nerve gases as Dr. Abbas Foroutan, whose 2004 articles were reviewed in Neurology by Col. Jonathan Newmark of the Chemical Casualty Care Division, US Army Medical Research Institute of Chemical Defense.


The reviewer refers to Dr. Foroutan’s work as “the only firsthand clinical descriptions of battlefield nerve agent casualties in the world literature” and is viewed as a valuable contribution to the US and NATO understanding of the treatment of casualties in chemical warfare:


“Foroutan’s lessons learned reassure us that a robust medical evacuation system, coupled with timely and appropriate medical care of nerve agent poisoning, will save many more lives on future battlefields.”


Upon our request, Dr. Foroutan reviewed the UN Report on Syria and provided us with some critical insights, addressing the issues of environmental and human sampling conducted by the UN investigators in Ghouta.


Based on his unique experience with casualties of nerve gas, Dr. Foroutan pointed out stark symptom irregularities displayed by Ghouta patients:


1. Sarin gas does not cause inflammation in the eye. We have observed many cases during Iraq’s war against Iran and victims presented with only brief and temporary redness in the eye. Here, 22% of cases still displayed inflammation after 5-7 days.


2. Miosis [constricted pupils] has been observed in 14% of cases while disorientation has been seen in 39% of the cases. This ratio is not logical. It is obligatory that complete raw data charts of the patients be published so that the correlation index between signs and symptoms of this case and other cases be calculated.


3. Regarding the 19% convulsion report: the reports from the victims themselves are not acceptable as they would have been unconscious at the time of convulsion. Unless others report the convulsion in the victim, these reports are otherwise unreliable.


4. The prescription of Atropine: this medicine is the most essential antidote for Sarin exposures and if a large amount of it is taken quickly and intravenously, it will save the patient . Rapid recovery of a severe case with high dose of atropine suggest the patient was exposed to a substance similar to nerve gas[sarin]. Unfortunately the information given is very incomplete and it has not been noted how exactly the patients have reacted to this cure.


5. Mentioning the vital signs like the pulse rate and blood pressure, which because of sarin classically become slow and low and subsequently atropine raises it up, is also an important diagnostic sign which unfortunately has not been recorded in the patients documents. Another important sign is auscultation of “wheezing” in the victims lungs, similar to the noise coming from an asthmatic patient, has not been mentioned. This neglection is abnormal.


6. Activity of an enzyme called “acetylcholinesterase” in the plasma and red blood cells will reduced immensely with nerve gases like sarin; and will reactivate (re-synthesize) after weeks until it becomes normal. Sarin is an acetylcholinesterase inhibitor substance. Experts across the world are well informed of the importance of this lab data[reporting enzyme activity]. During the holy defense (Iran Iraq war) we would measure it in the frontline emergency center as a routine diagnostic test. The importance is that in moderate to severe cases, it decreases heavily without exception. Why has this examination not been done?


7. The claim of the identification of sarin molecules a week later in the biological samples needs an exact report of methodology of measurement for other experts of the world because of the high chance of technical error.


8. Regarding the environmental samples: according to the pictures, a lot of the places have been under the sunlight and due to the fact that sarin is very volatile, the claim of sarin detection should be accompanied with more description by the experts.


Overall in my view this report should be received/accepted medically with great caution and should be observed again by a team of international expert clinicians. My intention is not the denial of sarin but at least from the clinical point of view, the evidences of this report are not enough to prove the existence of a nerve gas [sarin] in this incident.



Dr. Foroutan also brought up a very important point about the UN’s assumption of Sarin in its testing, which can lead to false positives. In Appendix 7 of the UN Report, a notable number of the samples tested by two separate labs register different results:


“There is a possibility of a false positive recognition/diagnosis of sarin and by-products caused by natural decomposition and impurities with the primary gas.


An important point is that it seems the team has set up its experiment methods according to the pre-assumption that sarin had been used.


That is why it should be requested that all of the experiment/lab measurements should be published with the details of sample preparation and analysis methods and also even the pictures and files of the curve from the analysis devices.


During the imposed war (Iran Iraq war) a case of poisoning of the Iranian soldiers by Mycotoxins was reported by a credible lab in Belgium. They were definitely found in the urine and plasma samples but later we were informed that it was a false positive. In the UN study after the war it was proven that Iraq had no activity regarding the production of mycotoxins.”



I was informed that the above observations “were discussed in a medical gathering at the Shaheed Beheshti University of Medical Sciences led by Professor Abbas Foroutan.”


While we were fortunate to reach Dr. Foroutan for his insights on the UN Report, I am publishing this information now because he took the trouble of writing it out and sending it to me via an academic colleague who translated his comments in their entirety.




Global Research



Chemical Weapon Expert Opinion on the UN Report on Syria

Tuesday, July 16, 2013

NRA"s Keene Named Opinion Editor of Washington Times

Former National Rifle Association President David Keene has been named opinion editor of The Washington Times, the paper announced Sunday.

“David has been a tireless advocate for conservatism, demonstrating time and again how the movement’s values and ideas can address the problems of the day,” said Larry Beasley, the paper’s president and chief executive officer.


“He’s a deep intellectual with the sharp wit, unwavering values and the endless civility needed to guide the thought leadership of Washington’s most important opinion pages,” Beasley said.


Keene will be in charge of the newspaper’s editorial page and commentary section, while Editor Emeritus Wesley Pruden will direct and produce editorials.


Keene worked for the presidential campaigns of Ronald Reagan, George H.W. Bush, Robert Dole, and Mitt Romney. In 1984, he became chairman of the American Conservative Union.


As president of the NRA, Keene led a bruising battle with Congress to block restrictions on gun ownership in the aftermath of the Newtown, Conn. school shootings. He stepped down from that position in May.


“Since its founding, The Washington Times has played a vital role as the conservative newspaper in Washington and one of the most widely quoted nationwide,” Keene said in the paper’s announcement.


“Presidents, elected officials and policymakers have relied on The Times, and our challenge is to expand our reach in new media and in this political era to provide a reliable, readable resource for conservatives and others across the country,” Keene said.


© 2013 Newsmax. All rights reserved.




Newsmax – America



NRA"s Keene Named Opinion Editor of Washington Times

Saturday, July 13, 2013

Opinion: Napolitano stumbled on immigration reform


Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano will leave her post to become president of the University of California system.


Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano will leave her post to become president of the University of California system.





  • Edward Alden: Obama may think immigration fight will go better with Janet Napolitano leaving

  • Alden: Napolitano legacy mainly positive in disaster responses, action on terrorism

  • But he says she failed to make Obama’s case on immigration, made few inroads with GOP

  • Alden: Obama should quickly replace her with someone to push immigration reform over line



Editor’s note: Edward Alden is a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations and was the project director for the 2009 Independent Task Force on U.S. Immigration Policy, co-chaired by former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush and Mack McLarty, former White House chief of staff for President Bill Clinton.


(CNN) — There is no reason to believe Friday’s resignation announcement by Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano is anything other than her jumping at a better job offer — the chance to be the next president of the University of California system.


But the surprise move may also suggest that President Barack Obama believes immigration reform — which could be the signature legislative accomplishment of his second term — faces a better chance in the Republican House of Representatives with someone else in charge at the Department of Homeland Security. The president should move quickly to name a replacement with stronger credibility on both sides of the aisle who can help push the bill over the finish line.



Edward Alden


Napolitano’s legacy at DHS will be mostly a positive one. Since the department’s creation in the aftermath of 9/11, the primary job of DHS has been to prevent major terrorist attacks, and the ones that occurred under her watch (Boston, Fort Hood, Texas) were, thankfully, relatively small and probably impossible to have pre-empted. Emergency response to disasters, another core DHS responsibility, was vastly better in the aftermath of Hurricane Sandy than it was after Hurricane Katrina.


Janet Napolitano: Fast Facts


But Napolitano was chosen for the job in 2009 because of her reputation as a tough-minded Arizona governor who appeared to have a better chance than anyone else of building national consensus for immigration reform. For her to leave in the middle of the fight shows how far she fell short.


Since the collapse of the last major immigration reform effort in 2007, the strategy of both the Bush and Obama administrations was to bolster border security and enforcement to reassure Republicans that legalizing 11 million unauthorized immigrants wouldn’t bring a new surge across the border. Job No. 1 for Napolitano was to make that case, and the president endured harsh criticism from his supporters while she continued the buildup of Border Patrol agents and fencing, and maintained record levels of deportations.


But there has been little political payoff. Following a key meeting Wednesday of House Republicans to decide on an immigration strategy, for instance, the House GOP leadership issued a statement saying that “this administration cannot be trusted to deliver on its promises to secure the border and enforce laws.”


Napolitano’s supporters will say that she did her job, and Republicans kept moving the goal posts, and there is truth to that charge. But she was her own worst enemy in her inability to make the case to Congress and the public.





Why House GOP isn’t likely to help Obama





Where the U.S. is most vulnerable





Was the government ready for Sandy?


To take one example: DHS had long measured progress in border security in terms of the “miles under effective control” by the Border Patrol. It maxed out in 2010, when 44% of the border with Mexico was deemed under control. The next year DHS simply abandoned the measure, promising a better set of metrics but then failing to deliver them. Sen. Tom Coburn, R-Oklahoma, one of the persuadable opponents of the Senate immigration bill, wrote this week that he has spent the past year asking DHS for a report on border security performance and metrics to define security, and has never received a detailed response.


A second example: Napolitano has promised since 2011 to present Congress with country-by-country data on the number of those who overstay visas and remain in the United States illegally, but again she has yet to deliver. Overstays are thought to make up more than 40% of the unauthorized population, and many in Congress believe the Obama administration has done nothing to address the problem. In fact, overstays appear to have dropped sharply in recent years, but Napolitano’s refusal to share the data with Congress has left the mistaken perception that DHS has continued to ignore the issue.


The result has been predictable skepticism to Napolitano’s repeated claims that the border has never been more secure. In the absence of hard evidence, she was left asking Congress to trust her.


Obama’s choice for her successor should be someone who can restore credibility with the fence-sitting Republicans who will make or break the immigration reform effort, and finish the job that Napolitano left undone.


Follow @CNNOpinion on Twitter.


Join us at Facebook/CNNOpinion.


The opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of Edward Alden.




CNN.com – Politics



Opinion: Napolitano stumbled on immigration reform

Thursday, June 13, 2013

Secret court won"t object to release of opinion on illegal surveillance



In a rare public ruling by the nation’s most secretive judicial body, the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court ruled Wednesday that it did not object to the release of a classified 86-page opinion concluding that some of the U.S. government’s surveillance activities were unconstitutional.


The ruling, signed by the court’s chief judge, Reggie Walton, rejected the Justice Department’s arguments that the secret national security court’s rules prevented disclosure of the opinion. Instead, the court found that because the document was in the possession of the Justice Department, it was subject to release under the Freedom of Information Act.


Privacy advocates who brought the case said Wednesday that the ruling could pave the way for at least the partial release of landmark — but still classified — court rulings that some government surveillance activities violated the Fourth Amendment of the Constitution barring “unreasonable searches and seizures.”


The release of the opinion, they say, may prove central in the current controversy over the scope of National Security Agency surveillance programs.


“It’s a brand new day,” said Kurt Opsahl, a senior staff attorney with the Electronic Frontier Foundation, a privacy group that brought the case. He noted that it is extremely rare for any FISC ruling to be made public at all, much less for the court to rule on behalf of disclosure advocates over the objection of Justice Department lawyers.



A spokesman said the Justice Department was reviewing the ruling and declined further comment.


The EFF’s lawsuit was inspired by a July 20, 2012 letter from an aide to Director of National Intelligence James Clapper to Sen. Ron Wyden, D-Ore., that stated that “on at least one occasion,” the FISC held that “some collection” carried out by the U.S. government under classified surveillance programs “was unreasonable under the Fourth Amendment.”


The letter, from Kathleen Turner, Clapper’s chief of legislative affairs, provided no further information about what the FISC found to be unconstitutional, but did state that the government “has remedied these concerns” and the FISC has continued to approve its collection activities. 


Wyden, a member of the Senate Intelligence Committee, has said he was barred from speaking any further about the matter because it remained classified.


The EFF last year filed a lawsuit to compel disclosure of the FISC opinion under the Freedom of Information Act.  As part of the case, the Justice Department acknowledged there was in fact an 86-page opinion by the FISC dated Oct. 3, 2011, that was responsive to the FOIA request. But department lawyers argued that the FISC opinion could not be released because the court’s own rules barred public disclosure.


In Wednesday’s seven-page opinion, Judge Walton found otherwise, siding in part with the EFF over the Justice Department. He concluded that a FISC rule requiring that its opinions be sealed did not apply to an opinion in the government’s possession that had not otherwise been barred from disclosure.


The ruling did not order the immediate release of the opinion, however, instead referred the matter to a lower court for a final decision on whether the opinion is eligible for release under FOIA, which requires the government to release documents not covered by security or other narrow exemptions.


However, Walton did not immediately order the DOJ to release the order. Instead, he wrote, “This court expresses no opinion on the other issues presented” in the FOIA case “including whether the opinion is ultimately subject to disclosure.”


Such questions, he wrote, are “appropriately addressed” by the federal court in which the EFF lawsuit was originally filed.


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Secret court won"t object to release of opinion on illegal surveillance

Friday, June 7, 2013

Opinion: Chrysler, profits over people"s lives




  • Chrysler recalls Jeeps for software fix, but not models in which 51 people burned to death

  • Ditlow: Company putting occupants of these models at risk of vehicle going up in flames

  • Ditlow: Refusing to recall these 2.7 million Jeeps puts profits over safety

  • He says Chrysler was bailed out by taxpayers for $ 10 billion; recall would cost $ 300 million



Editor’s note: Clarence Ditlow is executive director of the Center for Auto Safety. His group petitioned the government to recall 1993 to 2004 Cherokee and 2002 to 2007 Liberty model Jeeps.


(CNN) — Chrysler says it will recall 630,000 newer model Jeeps worldwide to fix a software glitch in its side airbag and seat belt mechanism and transmission fluid leak problems. No accidents or injuries happened because of these defects. But it refuses to recall 2.7 million older Jeep models with a fire hazard that the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration says caused more than 50 people to burn to death.


Chrysler’s refusal to comply with the highway administration’s request to recall 2.7 million 1993 to 2004 Cherokee and 2002 to 2007 Liberty models puts profits over safety, putting people who ride in them everyday at risk of their car being hit from behind and going up in flames.


These modern day Pintos for soccer moms have been involved in 37 rear-impact fatal fire crashes. Fifty-one people burned to death in those crashes, according to the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration. Compare that with the Ford Pinto: 26 people died in Pinto rear impact fires before it was recalled in 1978.



Clarence Ditlow


A recall would cost Chrysler no more $ 300 million to fix the problems and return the SUVs. Chrysler would not exist today but for a $ 10 billion bailout loan from the U.S. government. As a return for the bailout, Chrysler should spend a fraction of that to recall the Jeeps. The refusal to recall these rolling firebombs is an insult to American tax payers and Chrysler’s Jeep customers.


The Grand Cherokee is 21 times more likely to be involved in a fatal rear impact crash in which fire is the cause of death than its biggest competitor, the Ford Explorer. The Jeep crashes in which people died in fires were readily survivable crashes. A rear impact crash at 70 mph in a vehicle similar in size to these Jeeps is no more severe than that of a front barrier crash at 35 mph, performed in the traffic administration’s 5-Star Safety Ratings. Large seat backs spread the force of the crash better than small airbags, making 80 mph rear impacts survivable.





Watchdog: Jeep defect worse than Pinto





Will government rebuff hurt Chrysler?





Jeep manufacturer refuses safety recall


But a car crashing into the rear of these Jeeps can rupture their fuel tanks at speeds less than the 50 mph rear-impact standard. The Center for Auto Safety conducted a 40 mph rear impact crash test of a 1996 Grand Cherokee in which the Jeep’s tank ruptured and spilled all the fuel. The 50 mph standard has 35% more energy than the Center’s 40 mph test.


The Grand Cherokee and Liberty fuel tanks hang lower than the rear bumper, so they are particularly vulnerable to low-speed hits from vehicles that are lower to the ground. Many low-profile cars have sloping front ends that can directly hit the tank. Even 10 mph rear impacts crush the not-so-protective brush guard.


In 1978, Chrysler engineers cited the safety benefits of placing the fuel tank in front of the rear axle and noted that placing the fuel tank behind the rear axle in SUVs may require a shield because of bumper mismatch.


Chrysler moved the fuel tank in front of the rear axle in the 2005 Grand Cherokee and in the 2008 Liberty. There has not been a single fire death in a rear impact of the newer Jeeps with the more protected fuel tank location in all the years since.


The devastating effect of the fire defects in these Jeep models is that children riding in the back of Jeeps have been killed and injured. Chrysler sold these Jeeps as family vehicles. Parents put their kids in child seats in the back because that’s safer. Tragically, children have been trapped in the seats and suffered horrible burns and deaths because they could be pulled out in time.


Fiat CEO John Elkann — Chrysler is a subsidiary of Fiat — and Chrysler CEO Sergio Marchionne are good people with families who should respond to the tragic deaths of their customers and could order a recall today. They owe it to the American public.


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The opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of Clarence Ditlow.




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Opinion: Chrysler, profits over people"s lives