Showing posts with label Myths. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Myths. Show all posts

Friday, April 4, 2014

6 Biggest Myths About Women Who Have Lots of Sex



The truth is that having lots of sexual partners and self-esteem aren"t necessarily correlated.








Nothing irritates me more than persistent half-truths and complete fabrications hyped as fact. Myths about women"s sexuality are continually refurbished and bought by the masses; old mores sold as shiny new tools to be hurled as weapons of control. It"s time to expose reality by shattering outdated perceptions of women who have a lot of sex.


Myth: Women Who Have a Lot of Sex are Easy


Fact: Women who engage incasual sex set higher standards on their new boy-toy than they place on men considered relationship potential. This is one element of casual sex where men and women"s approaches differ greatly. Men tend to lower their standards when looking for a hook-up while women seek better looking, more successful, and all-around awesomeness. So, bad news for the fella who tries to pick-up a lady because he thinks she"s “easy” — unless you are all that and a bag of chips or have serious A-game, odds are you"ll go home solo… not because she"s a bitch or a tease but rather because you weren"t up to snuff!


Myth: Women Who Have a Lot of Sex Have Low Self-Esteem or Self Worth


Fact: Although evidence shows many women and men who have diagnosable disorders or emotional troubles tend to have frequent indiscriminate sex, having multiple sexual partners is a side-effect of their disorder not the cause. Women who engage in casual sex, while maintaining healthy practices, tend to have higher self-worth and less hang-ups surrounding body image. There are wounded souls and damaged goods on both sides of the gender aisle but to assume a woman is “broken” based on how she chooses to express her sexuality says more about how you perceive yourself than how she really is.


Myth: Men are Wired to Have a Lot of Sex, Women to be Monogamous


Fact: There are multiple examples throughout history and in modern times where women, free from patriarchal dogma, have sex with multiple partners or even multiple husbands. If the females who have a lot of sex were limited to depraved, damaged or improperly wired ladies, then these societies would not exist or persist. Granted these cultures are few and far between but frankly, so are matriarchal societies! Nevertheless, they serve as an illustration that the number of sexual encounters a woman has is determined more by societal and social norms than wiring.


Myth: Women Who Have a Lot of Sex are Commitment-Phobic or Incapable of Monogamy


Fact: Research suggests men and women equally seek the loving arms of a committed partner. Studies indicate when a low sex-ratio is present (more marriage-aged men to marriage-aged women), infidelity in committed relationships decreases because women are in demand and set the rules in which sex and relationships occur. When contrasting with instances of high-sex ratio (higher number of marriage-aged women to marriage-aged men) where men are in demand and have more options, the rate of cheating increases. Still having doubts? Consider sexual satisfaction and why women cheat. When measuring the BIG O (orgasm) women report a much higher level of gratification when sex occurs in a committed relationship rather than casual hook-ups. As for why women cheat, if having a lot of sex were the defining factor then you would assume that most women would be unfaithful for the novelty, thrill or pure opportunity. However, that is not what the data shows and you would be wrong! The majority of women betray their spouses to fill an emotional void or to feel a deep connection with another.


Myth: American Women Have a Lot of Sex Compared with Rest of the World


Fact: The media wants us to believe that the U.S. is the land of sluts; slamming down our throats in tasty 30 second sound-bites, not only are we the land of the free but the home of casual sex. In reality the land of ball parks and amber waves of grain isranked thirteenth globally for number of sexual partners and 24th for frequency of sex per week. So much for us being liberated sex mongers!


Myth: Women Today Are Having More Sex than 10 Years Ago


Fact: Hook-up culture is all over the news and dominates the perspective we have on the modern woman"s sexual behavior; however, looking at stats from the CDC paints a different story entirely! The number of sexual partners a woman between the ages of 15-44 in 2002 versus 2008 have remained virtually the same. Not buying it? Recently,research from Paula England delve into this very issue by asking college students, who we can all agree are at the center of the hook-up culture storm, how many hook-ups they have had during their college career. Based on the hurricane of media attention you would assume this number would be well in the double digits for a female undergrad. The number? Drum roll please, 4-6. That"s right folks, an average of 4-6 hook-ups within 4-5 years of college. The other tidbit worthy of mentioning, nearly 30-40 percent of what these hormone raging young adults consider hook-ups does not involve intercourse!


It"s almost inconceivable how an article like this is relevant in 2014 and a case needs to be made to defend women who explore their sexuality. Truth is, even if women today were having more sex than their mothers, why should it matter? As long as a woman knows why she is having sex, has consensual sex within those parameters to maintain her emotional health and sustains physical health by using protection… why does everyone care so much?


The next time you see an article on the evils of the hook-up culture notice that the focus is on the behavior of women. Who do you think most of these women are having sex with? Are you worried about your son"s ability to commit in the future? Oh, that"s right. “Boys will be boys.” What do you think your attitude says to your son about his sexuality? Isn"t his body just as special a gift to share as your daughter"s?


 

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6 Biggest Myths About Women Who Have Lots of Sex

Friday, February 7, 2014

Saturday, January 25, 2014

5 Right-Wing Myths About Raising the Minimum Wage, Debunked



The corporate/conservative machine is grinding out propaganda against raising the minimum wage.








If the 1968 federal minimum wage had kept pace with inflation it would be $ 10.75 today. But it is only $ 7.25, an amount so low that many full-time workers need government assistance such as food stamps, Medicare, etc., just to get by.


There is a bill before Congress and endorsed by President Obama that will raise the minimum wage to $ 10.10 an hours and “index” it to inflation in the future. That means the wage will increase as inflation increases so it never falls behind again. Meanwhile there are reports that President Obama is considering using executive action to raise the minimum wage for employees of federal contractors.


Corporations like Walmart and McDonalds like the current situation of really low wages at the bottom because it puts more into the pockets of those at the top. So the corporate/conservative machine is grinding out propaganda against raising the minimum wage. Here is a look at six of the most common propaganda points they’re trying to trick us with.


1. Myth: Only teenagers make the minimum wage. 


A common conservative myth, repeated endlessly, is that only teenagers earn the minimum wage; that it"s a “starter wage” and people quickly move up to a better wage as they gain experience.


There may once have been a time when most people who earned the minimum were teenagers in starter jobs. But times and the structure of our economy have changed for the worse. According to the Economic Policy Institute, “87.9 percent of those affected nationally by increasing the federal minimum wage to $ 9.80 are 20 years of age and older. The share of those affected who are 20 or older varies by state, from a low of 77.1 percent in Massachusetts to a high of 92.4 percent in Florida (and 93.9 percent in the District of Columbia).” Also, “more than a third (35.8 percent) are married, and over a quarter (28.0 percent) are parents.”


Notably, 49% of people making the minimum wage are adult women.


2. Myth: A minimum wage is “government interference” that just distorts the market. If there are lots of people looking for work, then wages should fall.


The problem with this myth is that we live in a consumer economy and a consumer economy does better when more people and businesses have more money to spend. In other words, the economy rises and falls based on how much demand there is for the goods and service that our companies provide.


When the economy slows and people are laid off this increases the supply of people looking for jobs which causes wages to fall. As wages fall, demand falls because people have less to spend and the economy slows even more. So even more people get laid off, putting even more downward pressure on wages. This can become a death spiral for an economy.


This is why government action is so important. A minimum wage provides a floor to how low wages can fall. Every business watches out for itself and lowers wages when they can. But when every business is lowering wages it hurts every business. So while all businesses are engaged in the task of watching out for themselves government has to be there to watch the big picture and step in when necessary.


A second problem with this short-term market thinking is that it gives businesses a financial incentive to use their influence to push policies that keep unemployment high, thus forcing down wages. Senate Republicans filibustered the Bring Jobs Home act and the American Jobs Act as just two of more than 400 filibusters in recent years, helping to keep unemployment high. Companies that are fighting what they call “government interference” so they can continue to pay low wages are cutting their own throats because they are really causing their own customers to have less to spend. 


3. Myth: Raising the minimum wage costs jobs. 


This is one place where conservative ideology is clearly refuted by looking at what actually happens. When you have states next to each other, and one raises the minimum wage while the other does not, you can compare the results.


It might seem obvious to people that raising wages will cause companies to hire fewer people. But not when you think it through. Well-run companies employ the right number of people to handle the demand for the goods or services they produce. They don’t just have extra people sitting around reading the newspaper, who they will lay off if they have to pay a couple dollars more an hour.  


Picture a store with only one cashier and 20 people in line. Pretty soon people get impatient and leave. A sensible manager is going to put the right number of cashiers at the checkout lanes to handle the number of customers in the store.


In Australia the minimum wage is $ 16.68 and the unemployment rate is 5.8%. In the U.S. the minimum wage is $ 7.25 and unemployment is down to 6.7%, but is falling largely due to people leaving the labor force because they just can’t find work. This is not to say that the unemployment rates in Australia and the U.S. are different because of the difference in the minimum wage, but it does show that the high Australian minimum wage has hardly crashed Australia"s economy.


4. Myth: Raising the minimum wage hurts blacks, Latinos, fill in the blank.


Many conservatives play a propaganda trick by claiming that raising the minimum wage hurts the very people liberals want to help. Fox News" Art Laffer called the minimum wage the “Black Teenage Unemployment Act.” At far-right Townhall, Walter E. Williams claimed that “increases in the minimum wage at both the state and federal level are partially to blame for the crisis in employment for minority young adults.”


This claim uses a core misconception as its underpinnings, that increasing the minimum wage costs jobs. Since (fill in the blank) group faces high unemployment, raising the minimum wage shows you are a hypocrite because all you are doing is costing (fill in the blank) jobs. But this is as false as saying that raising the minimum wage takes away jobs.


5. Myth: Raising the minimum wage hurts small businesses.


Conservatives like New Jersey Governor Chris Christie say that raising the minimum wage would hurt small business owners. The truth is that most minimum-wage workers do not work for small businesses. According to Think Progress: “The majority (66 percent) of low‐wage workers are not employed by small businesses, but rather by large corporations with over 100 employees.” Also “The three largest employers of minimum wage workers [are], Walmart, Yum! Brands (Pizza Hut, Taco Bell, and KFC), and McDonald’s.” 


Last February, BusinessWeek debunked the “hurts small business” claim, writing, “a growing number of small business advocates support a hike.”


“That includes dozens of business groups and networks composed primarily of small business owners such as the Main Street Alliance, the National Latino Farmers & Ranchers Trade Association, and the Greater New York Chamber of Commerce. "Our women [business owners] who pay a living wage have an advantage over their larger counterparts who don’t," says Margot Dorfman, chief executive officer of the U.S. Women’s Chamber of Commerce, an organization with 500,000 members, three-quarters of whom are small business owners. "Whether Obama’s proposal is high enough or the time frame is fast enough is the question."”



The should-be-obvious reason? “If the customer base is undermined because wages are so low, they feel it directly.”


Job Fear Drives Terrible Policies


Jobs are scarce so people are afraid. Worried people fall victim to myths like these. Robert Reich writes about this, describing the “benefit to the business class of high unemployment, economic insecurity, and a safety-net shot through with holes. Not only are employees eager to accept whatever job they can get. They are also unwilling to demand healthy and safe environments.”


Except this does not just apply to people in red states, it applies across the country.


Reich continues,


“The wages of production workers have been dropping for thirty years, adjusted for inflation, and their economic security has disappeared. Companies can and do shut down, sometimes literally overnight. A smaller share of working-age Americans hold jobs today than at any time in more than three decades.


People are so desperate for jobs they don’t want to rock the boat. They don’t want rules and regulations enforced that might cost them their livelihoods. For them, a job is precious — sometimes even more precious than a safe workplace or safe drinking water.”



Raise the Minimum Wage


Here are a few points about a higher minimum wage that aren’t myths.


The minimum wage of $ 7.25 isn’t even the real minimum wage. Most people do not know that tipped employees work for a minimum wage of $ 2.13 an hour, where it has been stuck since 1991. This means that the tips you give are not really a little extra to take home, they make up the wage these workers live on.


The National Low Income Housing Coalition studied how many hours minimum-wage employees have to work per week in each state just to rent an apartment and still be able to survive. West Virginia was lowest at 63 hours. Hawaii was 175 hours. California, Maryland, New Jersey, New York and Washington, D.C. were all over 130 hours. (See this chart.)


Raising the minimum wage boosts employee productivity and retention, which lowers the costs associated with employee turnover. Boosting employee morale also boosts customer satisfaction. This is one more reason that raising the minimum wage helps businesses.


Raising the minimum wage increases the buying power of low-wage workers. It puts more money in the pockets of people who can then buy things at local stores, which increases demand, which drives businesses to hire more workers. This is a beneficial cycle that lifts everyone. and it"s the opposite of the death spiral described above.


Raising the minimum wage lowers government safety net costs because fewer people will need food stamps, etc. It is estimated that lifting the minimum wage to $ 10.10 would lift 4.6 million people out of poverty.


A lower minimum wage is actually bad for business and our economy in the long term. Cutting wages eats up the seed corn of an economy. So why do so many businesses fight raising the minimum wage? Because in the short term, cutting wages can boost quarterly profits a bit, which can increase the pay and bonuses of executives. It doesn’t necessarily matter to them if this eats away at employee morale, increases retention costs and erodes the customer base over the longer term. In the long term they’ll be rich and they’ll be gone.


 

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5 Right-Wing Myths About Raising the Minimum Wage, Debunked

Tuesday, January 7, 2014

Debunking Some of the Biggest Myths About Addiction



Society is a long way off from understanding the "complex issues for why people really become addicted," says Dr. Carl Hart.









Democracy Now!was joined by the groundbreaking neuropsychopharmacologist Dr. Carl Hart. He is the first tenured African American professor in the sciences at Columbia University, where he is an associate professor in the psychology and psychiatry departments. He is also a member of the National Advisory Council on Drug Abuse and a research scientist in the Division of Substance Abuse at the New York State Psychiatric Institute. However, long before he entered the hallowed halls of the Ivy League, Hart gained firsthand knowledge about drug usage while growing up in one of Miami’s toughest neighborhoods. He recently wrote a memoir titled “High Price: A Neuroscientist’s Journey of Self-Discovery That Challenges Everything You Know About Drugs and Society.” In the book, he recalls his journey of self-discovery, how he escaped a life of crime and drugs and avoided becoming one of the crack addicts he now studies.




Dr. Carl Hart, we welcome you to Democracy Now! The title of your book almost was the song we were just playing, “Trouble Man”?


Dr. Carl Hart: That was my vote, “Trouble Man,” but the publishers thought that it wasn’t 1973, so we should go with something more modern.


AG: Both your research findings will surprise many and also your own path in life. Let’s start by talking about, well, where you come from.


CH: Well, I come from — as you said, I grew up in the hood. And so, when we think about these communities that we care about, the communities that have been so-called devastated by drugs of abuse, I believed that narrative for a long time. In fact, I’ve been studying drugs for about 23 years; for about 20 of those years, I believed that drugs were the problems in the community. But when I started to look more carefully, started looking at the evidence more carefully, it became clear to me that drugs weren’t the problem. The problem was poverty, drug policy, lack of jobs — a wide range of things. And drugs were just one sort of component that didn’t contribute as much as we had said they have.


AG: So, talk about the findings of these studies. I mean, you’ve been publishing in the most elite scientific journals now for many years.


CH: Yes. So, one of the things that shocked me when I first started to understand what was going on, when I discovered that 80 to 90 percent of the people who actually use drugs like crack cocaine, heroin, methamphetamine, marijuana — 80 to 90 percent of those people were not addicted. I thought, “Wait a second. I thought that once you use these drugs, everyone becomes addicted, and that’s why we had these problems.” That was one thing that I found out. Another thing that I found out is that if you provide alternatives to people — jobs, other sort of alternatives — they don’t overindulge in drugs like this. I discovered this in the human laboratory as well as the animal laboratory. The same thing plays out in the animal literature.


AG: What do you mean? You’re saying that crack is not as addictive as everyone says?


CH: Well, when we think of crack — well, we have a beautiful example now, the past year: the mayor of Toronto, Rob Ford, for example. The guy used crack cocaine, and he did his job. Despite what you think of him and his politics, but he came to work every day. He did his job. The same is true even of Marion Barry. He came to work every day, did his job. In fact, he did his job so well, so the people of D.C. thought, that they voted for him even after he was convicted for using crack. But that’s the majority of crack cocaine users. Just like any other drug, most of the people who use these drugs do so without a problem.


AG: Compare it to alcohol.


CH: Well, when we think about alcohol, about 10 percent of the people — 10 to 15 percent of the people who use alcohol are addicted or meet criteria for alcoholism; for crack cocaine, about 15 to 20 percent — the same sort of thing when we look at the numbers. And we’ve known this in science for at least 60 years. We’ve known — I’m sorry, at least 40 years, we’ve known this sort of thing, but we haven’t told the public.


AG: So, you’re saying someone who has wine every night for dinner would not be considered an alcoholic in the same way if you take crack every day?


CH: Exactly. So, the criteria, to me — the way we judge whether someone is an addict is whether or not they have disruptions in their psychosocial functioning. Are they going to work? Are they handling their responsibilities? Or are they overindulging in the activity? And when we think about drugs like alcohol, wine every day, people can drink alcohol every day and still meet their responsibility. The same is true with crack cocaine. The same is true with powder cocaine. The same is true with marijuana. Think about it this way. The three most recent presidents all used illicit drugs, and they all have met their responsibilities. They’ve reached the highest levels of power. And we would be proud if they were our children, if they — despite the fact that they’ve all used illegal drugs.


AG: But they are saying they didn’t use them in a regular kind of way. I mean, who knows?


CH: Well, when we say “a regular kind of way,” for example, I use alcohol. I may use it once a month, twice a month, four times a month. It may vary, but that’s certainly regular. And so, when we think — I think the public, when they think of regular, they think of overindulging. And when people overindulge, like every day multiple times a day, it’s going to disrupt some of your psychosocial functioning. Now, that is a small number of people. Only a few people engage in behavior like that. And I assure you that if they engage in behavior like that, that’s not their only problem. They have multiple other problems.


AG: So why do some people get addicted to crack, and some people don’t?


CH: That’s a great question. People get addicted for a wide range of reasons. Some people have co-occurring or other psychiatric illnesses that contribute to their drug addiction. Other people get addicted because that’s the best option available to them; other people because they had limited skills in terms of responsibility skills. People become addicted for a wide range of reasons. If we were really concerned about drug addiction, we would be trying to figure out precisely why each individual became addicted. But that’s not what we’re really interested in. We are interested, in this society, of vilifying a drug. In that way, we don’t have to deal with the complex issues for why people really become addicted.


AG: Talk about brain science.


CH: Yeah, so we talk about — “talk about brain science,” that’s a real good question. Brain science, at some level, in terms of drug abuse, has become voodoo, in a sense, because people think — I mean, that’s not to be disrespectful, because that’s my favorite sort of science, by the way. But the way we have been thinking about brain science is that people show you pretty pictures, pretty images, and you think that that tells you something about how they behave. It doesn’t. And so, from that perspective, it concerns me deeply. But on the other side, I am — I marvel at what we are learning about how the brain works, in general. And so, we are not anywhere near being able to explain drug addiction with our brain science yet. But that doesn’t mean that we shouldn’t continue to try and figure out what’s going on in the brain.


AG: You’ve been testing humans. How does human experiments compare with rat and animal experiments?


CH: Depends on the question that you’re asking. For example, if you’re asking a question about simple neurochemistry. When we think about dopamine, and you’ve heard a lot about that neurotransmitter, it’s in the brains of rats, it’s in the brains of humans. If you want to know what dopamine — what cocaine does to dopamine, you can use a rat brain to figure that out as well as a human brain, and that’s pretty close. But when you start to talk about drug addiction and the complexities, drug addiction is a human sort of ailment, not an ailment in rats. What you can do in rats is maybe model one component, maybe two components of drug addiction, but understand that that model might be quite limited.


AG: Last year, one of the nation’s most prominent doctors announced he had shifted his stance in support of medical marijuana. That’s Dr. Sanjay Gupta, the chief medical correspondent for CNN, openly apologizing for his past reporting dismissing the medical uses of the drug.


Dr. Sanjay Gupta: I have apologized for some of the earlier reporting, because I think, you know, we’ve been terribly and systematically misled in this country for some time. And I — I was — I did part of that misleading. I didn’t look far enough. I didn’t look deep enough. I didn’t look at labs in other countries that are doing some incredible research. I didn’t listen to the chorus of patients who said, “Not only does marijuana work for me, it’s the only thing that works for me.” I took the DEA at their word when they said it is a Schedule I substance and has no medical applications. There was no scientific basis for them to say that.



AG: Your response to Dr. Sanjay Gupta, Carl Hart?


CH: On the one hand, I applaud Sanjay. But on the other hand, I might be embarrassed if I was a physician and I’m this late in the game. The evidence has been overwhelming for quite some time. And if you read the literature and have been reading the literature, this position or this change should have come earlier. But still, it takes some courage to say you were wrong. But I think that it’s been overstated how much praise he deserves.


AG: Dr. Carl Hart, can you talk about your life’s journey, how you ended up being the first African American scientist to be tenured at Columbia University?


CH: Well, that’s a question that society should answer. I mean, when we think about the numbers of African Americans who are in neuroscience and why — they’re low — and why the numbers are low, that’s an issue that the society hasn’t grappled with. And it’s related to some of this marijuana talk that we’re talking about. You played something about Kennedy earlier. Those kind of people, they sicken me, quite frankly, when we think about the role that racism has played in our drug enforcement, and those people don’t knowledge that? Those kind of — those types of practices have played a role in why African Americans are not in many areas in the United States.


AG: I want to go back to that clip right now. This is — you’re talking about former Congressmember Patrick Kennedy, who battled addictions himself, you know, through his time in Congress. He was on “Cross — “


CH: Which does not give him any sort of special qualification. That’s one thing we want to make clear. Because you are an addict does not give you some special insight about addiction.


AG: So let’s go to what Patrick Kennedy said on CNN last week.


Patrick Kennedy: Well, I’m also concerned about the minority community that’s now going to be targeted by these marijuana producers, because you look at the alcohol industry in this country. I’ll tell you what. More, you know, alcohol distributors are in minority neighborhoods by a factor of 10. I can’t even begin to tell you what the latest numbers are. You’re from the West Coast; you know what L.A. looks like.



Van Jones: Absolutely.



PK: Forget about it. There isn’t an equal — you know, and so, they have — it is insidious.



AG: That’s former Congressmember Patrick Kennedy, who co-founded the group Smart Alternatives to Marijuana. Dr. Carl Hart?


CH: So, when I think about what Patrick Kennedy says, if he was really concerned about the minority community, one thing that he would be talking about is this fact: Today, if we continue the same sort of drug enforcement policies, one in three African American males born today will spend some time in jail. I have three African American males; that means that one will spend some time in jail. If he was really concerned, he’d be worried about those kind of numbers. If he was really concerned, he’d understand that African American males make up six percent of this population, 35 percent of the prison population. That is abhorrent. And you never hear those people talking about those numbers.


And when we think about the dangers of marijuana from a scientific perspective, let’s really evaluate this. When we think about the dangers of marijuana, they are about the equivalent of alcohol. Now, I don’t want to somehow talk about the dangers of alcohol or to besmirch the reputation of alcohol, because I think that every society should have intoxicants. We need intoxicants. And every society has always had intoxicants. So alcohol is fine.


AG: Why do we need intoxicants?


CH: Makes people more interesting, decreases anxiety. Alcohol is associated with a wide range of health-beneficial effects — decreased heart disease, decreased strokes, all of these sorts of things. The same can be true of a drug like marijuana — helps people sleep better, can decrease anxiety at the right doses. All of these beneficial effects, we know.


And so, when we think — think about it this way. We have automobiles. They are potentially dangerous, particularly if you’ve been in New York City in these past couple of days, the icy roads and so forth. Now, in the 1950s, automobile accidents were relatively high. We instituted some measures — seat belts, speed limits, all of those sorts of things. That rate, even though we have more cars on the road, has dramatically decreased. If people are really concerned about the dangers of marijuana, we’d be teaching people how to use marijuana and other drugs more safely, because they’re not going anywhere.


AG: Go back to your life story, so how you ended up going from a real tough neighborhood in Miami to —


CH: Yeah, so, when we think about —


AG:  — Columbia University and being an adviser on some of the most elite drug policy panels in the country.


CH: Yeah, so, when we think about how one comes from point A, in the hood, to point B, where I’m at now at the highest levels of academe, there are some things that I point out in my book that are clear, if we were serious in this society. One thing was we had welfare. We had this safety net for families like mine. I had seven siblings, and all of us are taxpayers today, but we were raised on welfare. Make no doubt about it: Without welfare, I wouldn’t be here. Without some of the programs that the government instituted for minorities in science, by — in medical science, that helped me get a Ph.D., those kinds of programs. I had mentors, a wide range of mentors. And they were white, black; they were men, women — a wide range of mentors. And I had a strong grandmother, and I had five older sisters who made sure that I stayed as close to the sort of beaten path as possible, so I didn’t stray too far.


AG: You’ve talked about really recognizing racism, not when you lived here, but when you lived outside the country. So, where did you go to college?


CH: I went to college in the Air Force, and I went to college at the University of Maryland, who had college campuses on Air Force bases.


AG: Why did you go into the military?


CH: I went into the military because I didn’t get a scholarship, a basketball scholarship I thought that I would get. And so —


AG: You were a big basketball player.


CH: I was a big basketball player. I played on some of the best all-star teams in Miami and so forth. Yeah, so, I didn’t get the basketball scholarship that I thought I should get, and so I went to the Air Force. It was the only option. And while — my time in the Air Force primarily was spent in England. And while in England, I got quite an education about American racism. In England, they have programs on a regular basis like the U.S. PBS series “Eyes on the Prize.” And I learned a lot about the U.S. sort of civil rights movement and history while in England. And the British were not bashful in their criticism of American racism, because they didn’t have to look at their own. And so, I learned — well, more importantly, my reality was corroborated while I was in England.


AG: So you come back to this country, and how did you end up at Columbia?


CH: So I came back to this country, finished off my undergraduate degree at the University of North Carolina in Wilmington, went to the University of Wyoming to do my Ph.D. — it was the only program that accepted me in the neuroscience Ph.D. program — got quite an education from Charlie Ksir about not only neuroscience, about society, and did a number of post-docs from — at the University of California in San Francisco, at Yale, at Columbia. And this is how I came to Columbia.


AG: You begin your book talking about a human experiment that you recently did. Explain it.


CH: Yeah, so, this particular experiment was featured in The New York Times recently. I had read the literature, the animal literature, showing that when you allow an animal to self-administer, self — press a lever to receive intravenous injections of cocaine, they will do so until they die. But then, when I looked at the literature more carefully, if you provide that animal with a sexually receptive mate, with some sweet treats like sugar water or something of that nature, they wouldn’t take the drug. They would engage in those other activities. So I thought it would be interesting to find out whether or not crack cocaine addicts could also have their drug-taking behavior altered or changed by providing an alternative. And in that experiment, we used as low as $ 5 cash. And when you do that, you can see that they will take the cash on about half of the occasions —


AG: Wait, explain the scene.


CH: OK, when you explain the scene, you have a person, you bring a person into the laboratory. They’re seated in a chair in front of a Macintosh computer, so they can indicate their choice. On the left would be drug; on the right would be money. And they would have five opportunities, separated by 15 minutes, for example. So, every 15 minutes, a nurse will come in and ask them to indicate their option.


AG: Who are these subjects?


CH: These participants are people who meet criteria for crack cocaine addiction. These are people who smoke crack cocaine on five days a week about. They spend about $ 200 to $ 300 a week on the drug. They are committed cocaine users. And we pass all of the ethical requirements to bring them into the laboratory. They have physical examinations. They’re carefully monitored by a nurse, a physician, and so forth.


AG: So, you have them sitting in front of the computer.


CH: They’re sitting in front of the computer, and every 15 minutes a nurse will come in and ask them to indicate their choice. And once they indicate their choice, the nurse will bring in the option that they selected, whether it’s crack cocaine, whether it’s the $ 5 option. And when you provide an alternative like $ 5, they’ll choose $ 5 on about half of the occasions and drug on the other half. But if you increase the alternative amount to something like $ 20, they will never take the drug; they’ll always take the money.


And so, people say — sometimes people say, “Well, they’re only selecting the money so they can use drug when they leave the hospital.” Now, one thing that was said about crack cocaine users is that they couldn’t make rational choices once they have cocaine on board or once they’re faced with the choice to take cocaine. Well, they demonstrate — if that’s even what they’re doing, they demonstrate that they can display, or do, a delayed gratification, which is a good thing. But I know that most of the people in those studies did not simply take the money to go buy drug when they left the study, because we paid some of their bills. They asked us — they saved up the money and asked us to write a check for certain bills and that sort of thing.


AG: Were you surprised by your findings?


CH: I was absolutely surprised, when I started collecting these data in 1999, 2000, because I had been fooled or hoodwinked, just like the American public, that crack cocaine addicts, they — if you present them with a choice to take crack cocaine, they would take every dose, and they’d be crawling on the floor looking for more. And that’s just absolutely false. That’s a myth.


AG: Finally, Dr. Carl Hart, your assessment of the media in dealing with the issue of drugs?


CH: You know, since I’m a professor, so I give people grades, I would say a D, D-minus, and I’d say scientists deserve maybe a D-plus to C-minus, because it’s not only the media. Scientists also contribute to this misinformation, in part because scientists are so afraid that whatever they say will be interpreted as being permissive, and therefore they say very little. Scientists’ first goal is not communication, it seems. It seems like their first goal is not to be wrong. And we’re missing an opportunity to help educate the American public about how to decrease harms related to drugs.


AG: You just talked about your three boys, that you have three sons.


CH: Yes.


AG: What do you say to young people about drugs and alcohol?


CH: Well, so, I think of these things just like I do any other potentially dangerous behavior, like driving an automobile. I make sure that I educate my kids on how to be safe in driving their car, how to be safe when they have sex. The same is true with drugs. I make sure I let them understand the potential positive effects, the potential negative effects, and how to avoid the potential negative effects. I’ve written about this on AlterNet.org, a letter to my son about how to use drugs safely or what you need to be aware of.


AG: Dr. Carl Hart, I want to thank you for being with us. He is the author of the new book, “High Price: A Neuroscientist’s Journey of Self-Discovery That Challenges Everything You Know About Drugs and Society.” Dr. Carl Hart is associate professor of psychology and psychiatry at Columbia University.


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Debunking Some of the Biggest Myths About Addiction

Debunking Some of the Biggest Myths About Addiction



Society is a long way off from understanding the "complex issues for why people really become addicted," says Dr. Carl Hart.









Democracy Now!was joined by the groundbreaking neuropsychopharmacologist Dr. Carl Hart. He is the first tenured African American professor in the sciences at Columbia University, where he is an associate professor in the psychology and psychiatry departments. He is also a member of the National Advisory Council on Drug Abuse and a research scientist in the Division of Substance Abuse at the New York State Psychiatric Institute. However, long before he entered the hallowed halls of the Ivy League, Hart gained firsthand knowledge about drug usage while growing up in one of Miami’s toughest neighborhoods. He recently wrote a memoir titled “High Price: A Neuroscientist’s Journey of Self-Discovery That Challenges Everything You Know About Drugs and Society.” In the book, he recalls his journey of self-discovery, how he escaped a life of crime and drugs and avoided becoming one of the crack addicts he now studies.




Dr. Carl Hart, we welcome you to Democracy Now! The title of your book almost was the song we were just playing, “Trouble Man”?


Dr. Carl Hart: That was my vote, “Trouble Man,” but the publishers thought that it wasn’t 1973, so we should go with something more modern.


AG: Both your research findings will surprise many and also your own path in life. Let’s start by talking about, well, where you come from.


CH: Well, I come from — as you said, I grew up in the hood. And so, when we think about these communities that we care about, the communities that have been so-called devastated by drugs of abuse, I believed that narrative for a long time. In fact, I’ve been studying drugs for about 23 years; for about 20 of those years, I believed that drugs were the problems in the community. But when I started to look more carefully, started looking at the evidence more carefully, it became clear to me that drugs weren’t the problem. The problem was poverty, drug policy, lack of jobs — a wide range of things. And drugs were just one sort of component that didn’t contribute as much as we had said they have.


AG: So, talk about the findings of these studies. I mean, you’ve been publishing in the most elite scientific journals now for many years.


CH: Yes. So, one of the things that shocked me when I first started to understand what was going on, when I discovered that 80 to 90 percent of the people who actually use drugs like crack cocaine, heroin, methamphetamine, marijuana — 80 to 90 percent of those people were not addicted. I thought, “Wait a second. I thought that once you use these drugs, everyone becomes addicted, and that’s why we had these problems.” That was one thing that I found out. Another thing that I found out is that if you provide alternatives to people — jobs, other sort of alternatives — they don’t overindulge in drugs like this. I discovered this in the human laboratory as well as the animal laboratory. The same thing plays out in the animal literature.


AG: What do you mean? You’re saying that crack is not as addictive as everyone says?


CH: Well, when we think of crack — well, we have a beautiful example now, the past year: the mayor of Toronto, Rob Ford, for example. The guy used crack cocaine, and he did his job. Despite what you think of him and his politics, but he came to work every day. He did his job. The same is true even of Marion Barry. He came to work every day, did his job. In fact, he did his job so well, so the people of D.C. thought, that they voted for him even after he was convicted for using crack. But that’s the majority of crack cocaine users. Just like any other drug, most of the people who use these drugs do so without a problem.


AG: Compare it to alcohol.


CH: Well, when we think about alcohol, about 10 percent of the people — 10 to 15 percent of the people who use alcohol are addicted or meet criteria for alcoholism; for crack cocaine, about 15 to 20 percent — the same sort of thing when we look at the numbers. And we’ve known this in science for at least 60 years. We’ve known — I’m sorry, at least 40 years, we’ve known this sort of thing, but we haven’t told the public.


AG: So, you’re saying someone who has wine every night for dinner would not be considered an alcoholic in the same way if you take crack every day?


CH: Exactly. So, the criteria, to me — the way we judge whether someone is an addict is whether or not they have disruptions in their psychosocial functioning. Are they going to work? Are they handling their responsibilities? Or are they overindulging in the activity? And when we think about drugs like alcohol, wine every day, people can drink alcohol every day and still meet their responsibility. The same is true with crack cocaine. The same is true with powder cocaine. The same is true with marijuana. Think about it this way. The three most recent presidents all used illicit drugs, and they all have met their responsibilities. They’ve reached the highest levels of power. And we would be proud if they were our children, if they — despite the fact that they’ve all used illegal drugs.


AG: But they are saying they didn’t use them in a regular kind of way. I mean, who knows?


CH: Well, when we say “a regular kind of way,” for example, I use alcohol. I may use it once a month, twice a month, four times a month. It may vary, but that’s certainly regular. And so, when we think — I think the public, when they think of regular, they think of overindulging. And when people overindulge, like every day multiple times a day, it’s going to disrupt some of your psychosocial functioning. Now, that is a small number of people. Only a few people engage in behavior like that. And I assure you that if they engage in behavior like that, that’s not their only problem. They have multiple other problems.


AG: So why do some people get addicted to crack, and some people don’t?


CH: That’s a great question. People get addicted for a wide range of reasons. Some people have co-occurring or other psychiatric illnesses that contribute to their drug addiction. Other people get addicted because that’s the best option available to them; other people because they had limited skills in terms of responsibility skills. People become addicted for a wide range of reasons. If we were really concerned about drug addiction, we would be trying to figure out precisely why each individual became addicted. But that’s not what we’re really interested in. We are interested, in this society, of vilifying a drug. In that way, we don’t have to deal with the complex issues for why people really become addicted.


AG: Talk about brain science.


CH: Yeah, so we talk about — “talk about brain science,” that’s a real good question. Brain science, at some level, in terms of drug abuse, has become voodoo, in a sense, because people think — I mean, that’s not to be disrespectful, because that’s my favorite sort of science, by the way. But the way we have been thinking about brain science is that people show you pretty pictures, pretty images, and you think that that tells you something about how they behave. It doesn’t. And so, from that perspective, it concerns me deeply. But on the other side, I am — I marvel at what we are learning about how the brain works, in general. And so, we are not anywhere near being able to explain drug addiction with our brain science yet. But that doesn’t mean that we shouldn’t continue to try and figure out what’s going on in the brain.


AG: You’ve been testing humans. How does human experiments compare with rat and animal experiments?


CH: Depends on the question that you’re asking. For example, if you’re asking a question about simple neurochemistry. When we think about dopamine, and you’ve heard a lot about that neurotransmitter, it’s in the brains of rats, it’s in the brains of humans. If you want to know what dopamine — what cocaine does to dopamine, you can use a rat brain to figure that out as well as a human brain, and that’s pretty close. But when you start to talk about drug addiction and the complexities, drug addiction is a human sort of ailment, not an ailment in rats. What you can do in rats is maybe model one component, maybe two components of drug addiction, but understand that that model might be quite limited.


AG: Last year, one of the nation’s most prominent doctors announced he had shifted his stance in support of medical marijuana. That’s Dr. Sanjay Gupta, the chief medical correspondent for CNN, openly apologizing for his past reporting dismissing the medical uses of the drug.


Dr. Sanjay Gupta: I have apologized for some of the earlier reporting, because I think, you know, we’ve been terribly and systematically misled in this country for some time. And I — I was — I did part of that misleading. I didn’t look far enough. I didn’t look deep enough. I didn’t look at labs in other countries that are doing some incredible research. I didn’t listen to the chorus of patients who said, “Not only does marijuana work for me, it’s the only thing that works for me.” I took the DEA at their word when they said it is a Schedule I substance and has no medical applications. There was no scientific basis for them to say that.



AG: Your response to Dr. Sanjay Gupta, Carl Hart?


CH: On the one hand, I applaud Sanjay. But on the other hand, I might be embarrassed if I was a physician and I’m this late in the game. The evidence has been overwhelming for quite some time. And if you read the literature and have been reading the literature, this position or this change should have come earlier. But still, it takes some courage to say you were wrong. But I think that it’s been overstated how much praise he deserves.


AG: Dr. Carl Hart, can you talk about your life’s journey, how you ended up being the first African American scientist to be tenured at Columbia University?


CH: Well, that’s a question that society should answer. I mean, when we think about the numbers of African Americans who are in neuroscience and why — they’re low — and why the numbers are low, that’s an issue that the society hasn’t grappled with. And it’s related to some of this marijuana talk that we’re talking about. You played something about Kennedy earlier. Those kind of people, they sicken me, quite frankly, when we think about the role that racism has played in our drug enforcement, and those people don’t knowledge that? Those kind of — those types of practices have played a role in why African Americans are not in many areas in the United States.


AG: I want to go back to that clip right now. This is — you’re talking about former Congressmember Patrick Kennedy, who battled addictions himself, you know, through his time in Congress. He was on “Cross — “


CH: Which does not give him any sort of special qualification. That’s one thing we want to make clear. Because you are an addict does not give you some special insight about addiction.


AG: So let’s go to what Patrick Kennedy said on CNN last week.


Patrick Kennedy: Well, I’m also concerned about the minority community that’s now going to be targeted by these marijuana producers, because you look at the alcohol industry in this country. I’ll tell you what. More, you know, alcohol distributors are in minority neighborhoods by a factor of 10. I can’t even begin to tell you what the latest numbers are. You’re from the West Coast; you know what L.A. looks like.



Van Jones: Absolutely.



PK: Forget about it. There isn’t an equal — you know, and so, they have — it is insidious.



AG: That’s former Congressmember Patrick Kennedy, who co-founded the group Smart Alternatives to Marijuana. Dr. Carl Hart?


CH: So, when I think about what Patrick Kennedy says, if he was really concerned about the minority community, one thing that he would be talking about is this fact: Today, if we continue the same sort of drug enforcement policies, one in three African American males born today will spend some time in jail. I have three African American males; that means that one will spend some time in jail. If he was really concerned, he’d be worried about those kind of numbers. If he was really concerned, he’d understand that African American males make up six percent of this population, 35 percent of the prison population. That is abhorrent. And you never hear those people talking about those numbers.


And when we think about the dangers of marijuana from a scientific perspective, let’s really evaluate this. When we think about the dangers of marijuana, they are about the equivalent of alcohol. Now, I don’t want to somehow talk about the dangers of alcohol or to besmirch the reputation of alcohol, because I think that every society should have intoxicants. We need intoxicants. And every society has always had intoxicants. So alcohol is fine.


AG: Why do we need intoxicants?


CH: Makes people more interesting, decreases anxiety. Alcohol is associated with a wide range of health-beneficial effects — decreased heart disease, decreased strokes, all of these sorts of things. The same can be true of a drug like marijuana — helps people sleep better, can decrease anxiety at the right doses. All of these beneficial effects, we know.


And so, when we think — think about it this way. We have automobiles. They are potentially dangerous, particularly if you’ve been in New York City in these past couple of days, the icy roads and so forth. Now, in the 1950s, automobile accidents were relatively high. We instituted some measures — seat belts, speed limits, all of those sorts of things. That rate, even though we have more cars on the road, has dramatically decreased. If people are really concerned about the dangers of marijuana, we’d be teaching people how to use marijuana and other drugs more safely, because they’re not going anywhere.


AG: Go back to your life story, so how you ended up going from a real tough neighborhood in Miami to —


CH: Yeah, so, when we think about —


AG:  — Columbia University and being an adviser on some of the most elite drug policy panels in the country.


CH: Yeah, so, when we think about how one comes from point A, in the hood, to point B, where I’m at now at the highest levels of academe, there are some things that I point out in my book that are clear, if we were serious in this society. One thing was we had welfare. We had this safety net for families like mine. I had seven siblings, and all of us are taxpayers today, but we were raised on welfare. Make no doubt about it: Without welfare, I wouldn’t be here. Without some of the programs that the government instituted for minorities in science, by — in medical science, that helped me get a Ph.D., those kinds of programs. I had mentors, a wide range of mentors. And they were white, black; they were men, women — a wide range of mentors. And I had a strong grandmother, and I had five older sisters who made sure that I stayed as close to the sort of beaten path as possible, so I didn’t stray too far.


AG: You’ve talked about really recognizing racism, not when you lived here, but when you lived outside the country. So, where did you go to college?


CH: I went to college in the Air Force, and I went to college at the University of Maryland, who had college campuses on Air Force bases.


AG: Why did you go into the military?


CH: I went into the military because I didn’t get a scholarship, a basketball scholarship I thought that I would get. And so —


AG: You were a big basketball player.


CH: I was a big basketball player. I played on some of the best all-star teams in Miami and so forth. Yeah, so, I didn’t get the basketball scholarship that I thought I should get, and so I went to the Air Force. It was the only option. And while — my time in the Air Force primarily was spent in England. And while in England, I got quite an education about American racism. In England, they have programs on a regular basis like the U.S. PBS series “Eyes on the Prize.” And I learned a lot about the U.S. sort of civil rights movement and history while in England. And the British were not bashful in their criticism of American racism, because they didn’t have to look at their own. And so, I learned — well, more importantly, my reality was corroborated while I was in England.


AG: So you come back to this country, and how did you end up at Columbia?


CH: So I came back to this country, finished off my undergraduate degree at the University of North Carolina in Wilmington, went to the University of Wyoming to do my Ph.D. — it was the only program that accepted me in the neuroscience Ph.D. program — got quite an education from Charlie Ksir about not only neuroscience, about society, and did a number of post-docs from — at the University of California in San Francisco, at Yale, at Columbia. And this is how I came to Columbia.


AG: You begin your book talking about a human experiment that you recently did. Explain it.


CH: Yeah, so, this particular experiment was featured in The New York Times recently. I had read the literature, the animal literature, showing that when you allow an animal to self-administer, self — press a lever to receive intravenous injections of cocaine, they will do so until they die. But then, when I looked at the literature more carefully, if you provide that animal with a sexually receptive mate, with some sweet treats like sugar water or something of that nature, they wouldn’t take the drug. They would engage in those other activities. So I thought it would be interesting to find out whether or not crack cocaine addicts could also have their drug-taking behavior altered or changed by providing an alternative. And in that experiment, we used as low as $ 5 cash. And when you do that, you can see that they will take the cash on about half of the occasions —


AG: Wait, explain the scene.


CH: OK, when you explain the scene, you have a person, you bring a person into the laboratory. They’re seated in a chair in front of a Macintosh computer, so they can indicate their choice. On the left would be drug; on the right would be money. And they would have five opportunities, separated by 15 minutes, for example. So, every 15 minutes, a nurse will come in and ask them to indicate their option.


AG: Who are these subjects?


CH: These participants are people who meet criteria for crack cocaine addiction. These are people who smoke crack cocaine on five days a week about. They spend about $ 200 to $ 300 a week on the drug. They are committed cocaine users. And we pass all of the ethical requirements to bring them into the laboratory. They have physical examinations. They’re carefully monitored by a nurse, a physician, and so forth.


AG: So, you have them sitting in front of the computer.


CH: They’re sitting in front of the computer, and every 15 minutes a nurse will come in and ask them to indicate their choice. And once they indicate their choice, the nurse will bring in the option that they selected, whether it’s crack cocaine, whether it’s the $ 5 option. And when you provide an alternative like $ 5, they’ll choose $ 5 on about half of the occasions and drug on the other half. But if you increase the alternative amount to something like $ 20, they will never take the drug; they’ll always take the money.


And so, people say — sometimes people say, “Well, they’re only selecting the money so they can use drug when they leave the hospital.” Now, one thing that was said about crack cocaine users is that they couldn’t make rational choices once they have cocaine on board or once they’re faced with the choice to take cocaine. Well, they demonstrate — if that’s even what they’re doing, they demonstrate that they can display, or do, a delayed gratification, which is a good thing. But I know that most of the people in those studies did not simply take the money to go buy drug when they left the study, because we paid some of their bills. They asked us — they saved up the money and asked us to write a check for certain bills and that sort of thing.


AG: Were you surprised by your findings?


CH: I was absolutely surprised, when I started collecting these data in 1999, 2000, because I had been fooled or hoodwinked, just like the American public, that crack cocaine addicts, they — if you present them with a choice to take crack cocaine, they would take every dose, and they’d be crawling on the floor looking for more. And that’s just absolutely false. That’s a myth.


AG: Finally, Dr. Carl Hart, your assessment of the media in dealing with the issue of drugs?


CH: You know, since I’m a professor, so I give people grades, I would say a D, D-minus, and I’d say scientists deserve maybe a D-plus to C-minus, because it’s not only the media. Scientists also contribute to this misinformation, in part because scientists are so afraid that whatever they say will be interpreted as being permissive, and therefore they say very little. Scientists’ first goal is not communication, it seems. It seems like their first goal is not to be wrong. And we’re missing an opportunity to help educate the American public about how to decrease harms related to drugs.


AG: You just talked about your three boys, that you have three sons.


CH: Yes.


AG: What do you say to young people about drugs and alcohol?


CH: Well, so, I think of these things just like I do any other potentially dangerous behavior, like driving an automobile. I make sure that I educate my kids on how to be safe in driving their car, how to be safe when they have sex. The same is true with drugs. I make sure I let them understand the potential positive effects, the potential negative effects, and how to avoid the potential negative effects. I’ve written about this on AlterNet.org, a letter to my son about how to use drugs safely or what you need to be aware of.


AG: Dr. Carl Hart, I want to thank you for being with us. He is the author of the new book, “High Price: A Neuroscientist’s Journey of Self-Discovery That Challenges Everything You Know About Drugs and Society.” Dr. Carl Hart is associate professor of psychology and psychiatry at Columbia University.


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Debunking Some of the Biggest Myths About Addiction

Saturday, December 21, 2013

Khodorkovsky: Myths, hagiography and the pardon



Opinion pieces by Peter Lavelle, the host of RT’s shows CrossTalk and On the Money, who was also the anchor of the review programme In Context and the commentary series IMHO.




Published time: December 21, 2013 20:03

Former oil tycoon Mikhail Khodorkovsky (Reuters/Karpukhin)


President Vladimir Putin’s decision to pardon disgraced oligarch Mikhail Khodorkovsky was indeed a bombshell.


Having been a witness of – and wrote extensively about – the “Yukos affair,” I fully expected Khodorkovsky to serve out his full sentence, then to slowly fade away.


How to explain Putin’s political calculus? Western media and the world of punditry immediately explained Putin’s decision as a mixture of “a man at the pinnacle of power” who could afford to do so, as well as an attempt to “clean-up” Russia’s human rights record before the Sochi Winter Olympic Games. Both explanations are mildly interesting, but neither is compelling. Putin does not have to prove anything to anyone.


Khodorkovsky was not a prisoner of conscience – he was a criminal who would have been sentenced to life in other jurisdictions for the crimes he committed. Khodorkovsky can hardly have been called a businessman either – he, like other oligarchs during the 1990s, stole, extorted, and even possibly ordered murders when making empires from looted state property. He was also a political fraudster – buying political influence from virtually anyone who would take his dirty money. It was only in prison did Khodorkovsky “find religion” in an attempt to rebrand himself as a man of the people and supporter of democracy.


Khodorkovsky and his PR machine created myths too. Khodorkovsky was never a real threat to Putin’s political power and Putin never feared him (and probably never will). Before his arrest, trial, and imprisonment, Khodorkovsky expressed little interest in being elected to office.Though there is overwhelming evidence he did everything in his power to capture the state for personal gain. And this is what was at the heart of the “Yukos affair.”


Not only did Khodorkovsky become Russia’s richest man, but he also intended to cash-out and/or make himself even richer (and at the expense of the Russian state and people). No one can deny Khodorkovsky had ambitions. His ambitions became hubris. First, he wanted to sell Yukos to Texas oilmen. Second and against Russian law, he wanted to build a private pipeline to export energy. (Under Russian law, the state has the monopoly right to export energy). Putin, as head of state and protector of the country’s sovereignty had no choice – Khodorkovsky and the other oligarchs had to be stopped.


A handout picture released by Newtimes.ru on December 21, 2013 shows Mikhail Khodorkovsky during his first interview after his release with the editor in chief of the Russian weekly newspaper


After being elected to the presidency in 2000, Putin made it clear the oligarchs were to stay out of politics and pay their fair share of taxes. This was the background to what is called Putin’s “Oligarch Wars.”


Khodorkovsky ignored Putin’s warnings and threats at his own peril. Western media and paid apologists in the service of corruption claim Khodorkovsky is a victim of arbitrary prosecution and persecution.


This is fantasy. The fact is Khodorkovsky willingly put himself straight and center in Putin’s sights. Taking on Khodorkovsky, the Russian state was saved from what could have easily turned into a de facto oligarch coup. It was at this time the other oligarchs understood that Putin was not to be taken for granted. Instead of an oligarch coup, the remaining oligarchs either fled or became – to use Putin’s words – highly paid state workers working in the interest of the state.


Western critics claim Khodorkovsky did not receive a fair trial and that his trials were politically motivated. That is not the opinion of the European Court of Human Rights. In the Court’s judgments Khodorkovsky was guilty of massive tax evasion for which he was justly convicted and imprisoned. In another judgment the Court found that there were no grounds to suppose a political motivation to his case distinct from the charges that were brought against him. Alas, Khodorkovsky’s hagiographers never miss a chance to omit or overlook inconvenient facts.


Another myth about Khodorkovsky is public perception of him. For a small number of Russian liberals and of course the entirety of western mainstream media, Khodorkovsky is a saint. Miraculously, Khodorkovsky is deemed the conscience of the nation having martyred himself in front of Putin’s “authoritarian” throne.


The average Russian thinks differently. Khodorkovsky is a name and person associated with the


past – and an awful past at that. Khodorkovsky is no hero to the millions of Russians who saw their lives turned upside down. They witnessed a small number of greedy and heartless individuals rob them and then to almost destroy the state down to its very foundations.


Khodorkovsky and his fellow oligarchs had no tears when the lives of millions were destroyed.


Now on to the pardon: Putin could have pardoned Khodorkovsky years ago. Foreign public opinion has never been part of his political calculus – and he cares even less about the low-octane thoughts and words of western media pundits. Had Putin granted a pardon a year ago, two years, or even five years ago, basically the same nonsense that is written today would have been heard.


Jailed oil tycoon Mikhail Khodorkovsky is seen on a screen during an appeal for a reduced sentence at Russia


Russia’s human rights record has always been and probably will continue to be a reason to criticize the Kremlin. But it does not change Kremlin behavior (and won’t in the future).


As for the theory Putin can afford the pardon because he feels powerful enough to do so – well he has strong and consistent public opinion support (even as the economy has hit a rough patch). To date, Putin has never really been forced to do anything that he was against.


Political opposition to Putin’s governance is on the rocks – and this probably won’t change anytime soon. Russian liberals bickering among themselves long ago become a national spectator sport.


Putin pardoned Khodorkovsky because the former Yukos head was one of many eligible for early release under a general amnesty law– along with the political action group Pussy Riot and the Greenpeace 30. There is nothing special about Khodorkovsky beyond his greed and hubris. Putin apparently believes Khodorkovsky served enough time thinking about both.


What happens now is an open question. We should assume Khodorkovsky still has significant funds stashed away in foreign bank accounts. Now we will see if Khodorkovsky has learned anything from his criminal past. There is no meaningful interest in him from the average Russian.


The best way for him to rehabilitate himself would be to simply fade away.


Save this space!


Peter Lavelle is host of RT’s “CrossTalk” and “On the Money.”


The statements, views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of RT.




RT – Op-Edge



Khodorkovsky: Myths, hagiography and the pardon

Thursday, November 28, 2013

Ty Bollinger Monumental Myths, vitamin gratitude, Stephen Heuer, fast digestive holidays, Obesity insensitivity, whooping shot crash & more!

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