Showing posts with label Restoring. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Restoring. Show all posts

Thursday, August 29, 2013

America"s next president had better believe in restoring liberty | Dan Gillmor


Our founders had their flaws, and huge moral blind spots – but on liberty, they were way ahead of their time


As the 2016 presidential election comes slowly into focus, my most fervent wish is for a prominent candidate to give the following speech, or one like it:


Thank you for taking a few minutes out of your busy schedules to listen to me. I want you to do more than listen, though; I want you to hear me because nothing I talk about in this campaign is more important than what I’m going to discuss today.


The topic is liberty.


We are losing our liberty. In some cases, it’s being taken away. In others, we are giving it away. If we don’t reverse course, and soon, we will lose it entirely. And if that happens, we will lose our republic.


Liberty is our civic lifeblood. Our founders had their flaws, and huge moral blind spots. But on liberty, as it has come to be understood, they were way ahead of their time. Every American – everyone – should know by heart a quotation from before the American Revolution. It is widely attributed to Benjamin Franklin, and it goes like this: “Those who can give up essential liberty to obtain a little temporary safety, deserve neither liberty nor safety.”


The constitution limited government’s power, by design. Its first 10 amendments, the Bill of Rights, are almost entirely about limiting government’s power. They are about choices.


For example, as Americans, we choose to permit even offensive speech because we know that when we protect the speech we hate, we are protecting our own free speech. We choose to make it more difficult to convict guilty people of the crimes they’ve committed, in order to protect the innocent from being convicted of crimes they did not commit. We choose to accept more inconvenience, and more risk, in order to have more liberty.


Yet too frequently in our past, and to an alarming degree today, we’ve chosen to limit liberties in order – we’ve told ourselves – to have more safety or less trouble. We’ve tended to correct our worst impulses over time, even if too late for the people whose lives have been harmed or destroyed when those impulses were the law of the land. As Martin Luther King Jr said: “The arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice.”


No precedent


But the current threat to liberty has no precedent.


It starts with expanding and, often, unchecked executive power. Then it adds an inexorable push for total surveillance. Big Brother is expanding his reach directly, spying on our digital communications in almost every form. Cameras are capturing us on city streets, and watching where we drive, and you can be sure that Big Brother wants access to that, too. And he has has co-opted the businesses we patronize, forcing them to turn over information we thought we were sharing only with them. It is all going into massive databases.


Soon, if we don’t change course, everything will be captured and stored. Everything we do and say will be visible to government, and it will be available retrospectively when someone wants to know what we were saying or doing in the past. Even though the vast majority of people who enter public service are good and honorable, we know from history that the ones who are not will abuse their positions – and that power inevitably corrupts.


Surveillance of everyone, all the time, may – may – lessen the risk of one kind of disaster. But it guarantees another kind. We know from all kinds of research that pervasive surveillance is bad for society. It fuels distrust. It chills free speech, the foundation of liberty. Massive surveillance isn’t just un-American as a civic matter. By turning people who would be innovators into timid conformists, it is economically damaging as well.


When people say, “You have nothing to fear if you have nothing to hide,” ask them if it’s fine to install cameras in their homes, not just in the living room but the bedroom and bathroom. Ask them if they’d mind wearing a microphone and video camera every day, so others can check on what they’ve said and done.


You are guilty of something. I guarantee it. Lawmakers have created countless new crimes and punishments, and allowed law enforcement to extend old laws in dangerous ways. Have you ever told anything short of the absolute truth when filling out an online form to use some service? We can charge you with a felony for that. And, by the way, we don’t need to convict you at trial. If you are a target, we can ruin you financially if you try to defend yourself. This is what we expect in banana republics and police states, not here. And as the surveillance state expands, it will create more targets among people like you.


Our political leaders have made a calculation in recent years. They believe you are too frightened, too cowardly, to face the truth – and that you think liberty is much less important than temporary safety.


We are human. Terrorism unleashes our deepest fears, and our most lethal fury, even though the risk for any one of us is vanishingly low. We must challenge the fear mongers, and ourselves.


A hard truth


Here is the truth. We will be attacked again, no matter what we do to prevent it. Americans will die. Murderers like the Boston bombers will evade our best efforts at prevention. Rarely, but realistically, they will find a way to commit their crimes because in an open society we can’t possibly seal every border, building and open space; we can’t watch everyone closely enough; and we can’t track every material that someone can turn into part of a bomb. If we did that, and all the other things we’d have to do, we would become a police state.


And remember: in police states, the biggest crimes – the worst acts of terrorism – are committed by government.


Yes, we will be attacked again. No matter who is president when it happens, we will hunt down the murderers and bring them to justice.


But if I’m in the White House, we won’t give them what they want by punishing ourselves, as we did in too many ways after the horrors of 9/11. We won’t again waste thousands of lives and trillions of dollars on an unnecessary war and security measures that do little, if anything, to make us safer, but much to curb our liberty.


We will mourn our victims, rebuild what was destroyed and remember that we take some risks for our liberty. Terrorists will realize how America’s liberty and resilience is what truly makes us strong, and that they have no possible way to bring us down as a free nation.


Our immediate task is to restore the liberties we’ve lost in the past decade and more. This does not mean a unilateral disarmament in preventing terrorism and crime. It does mean putting liberty first, where it belongs.


President Obama and his team believe we are not entitled to know what our government is doing in our names and with our money. He says, “trust me”, but he doesn’t even begin to trust us. My first goal as president will be to restore that trust.


A new balance


In seeking a balance that puts liberty first, my administration will unwind the surveillance apparatus to a substantial degree. Some surveillance is necessary, to be sure. But we will have clear rules and boundaries, and we will punish those in government who go beyond them. As we have seen repeatedly in recent years, without genuine accountability, rules and laws mean nothing.


We will not turn great domestic companies like Google, Apple and Microsoft into unwilling arms of the national-security state. At the same time, we will seek to repeal laws that give domestic companies immunity from lawsuits when they break the law to violate their users’ privacy.


We will work to dismantle Washington’s culture of secrecy. We do have legitimate secrets, and we do have lethal enemies. But we will insist that every time someone classifies a document they justify it. And we will not reward government workers who unnecessarily classify what they are doing. We will need to adjust our civil service and classification laws to ensure that the entire government operates on principles of transparency.


We will immediately make public the assortment of secret laws that my predecessors have created. It should be inconceivable to have secret laws in the United States of America.


We will also work to repeal laws of all kinds that have a marginal effect on safety but a disproportionate effect on liberty. Not every problem should be a felony.


A president can begin to undo some of the damage with executive orders, and by the way he or she governs. Without the help of Congress, a beginning is as far as it will go.


The House and Senate have been handmaidens to the surveillance state, not because our representatives and senators are bad people but because they, too, are fearful – that opponents and the security-industrial profiteers will cynically, and wrongly, label them as “soft on terror”, and that you will fall for the lies. I pledge to use every ounce of influence the White House brings to the table to persuade Congress that America is better off taking some risks in order to be more free, and to challenge the cynical interests that profit from paranoia.


I also pledge this: I and my administration will never work for the defeat of a candidate, Democrat or Republican, who shares my view of liberty. We will never actively support a candidate, financially or otherwise, who does not.


Help me


I need your help. We politicians tend to follow, not lead. You can help persuade Congress that liberty should be our first duty, not an afterthought.


I don’t expect everyone to agree with what I’m saying today. But I am asking that we at least have an intelligent conversation about liberty. We need to look at what we’re doing, and what it is costing us, and compare that to what would happen if we trust liberty, and what the costs of that are likely to be. To have this conversation we will need the help of leaders at all levels of political, corporate, nonprofit, religious and educational life, and ultimately we all need to participate.


Please take some time to think about these issues – and to discuss them with your family and neighbors, in your workplace and your place of worship, in schools and bars and town meetings and everywhere else that we gather as people and citizens. I’m confident in your wisdom. Be confident in yourselves, and our future, by recognizing that we can enjoy the benefits of liberty only if we agree to take some chances.


We are stronger when we embrace liberty. Please join me in believing it, and acting on it.





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America"s next president had better believe in restoring liberty | Dan Gillmor

Wednesday, August 7, 2013

President Obama Speaks on Restoring Security to Homeownership


Desert Vista High School
Phoenix, Arizona


1:00 P.M. MST


THE PRESIDENT:  Hey!  Hello, Phoenix!  (Applause.)  Hello, Arizona!  (Applause.)  It is –


AUDIENCE MEMBER:  We love you, Obama!


THE PRESIDENT:  I love you back.  It is good to be here.  (Applause.) 


I want to say thank you to the Thunder for hosting us here today.  (Applause.)  Well, we are so glad to be here.  I want you to give it up for somebody who’s been fighting for homeowners and working families every single day, who’s with me today — Secretary Shaun Donovan, Secretary of HUD.  There he is right there.  Give him a big round of applause.  (Applause.)  We’ve got Congressman Ed Pastor who’s here as well.  (Applause.)  We’ve got your Mayor, Greg Stanton, here.  (Applause.)  Doing an outstanding job.  And to all the mayors and state legislators and tribal leaders who are here today, thank you.  (Applause.) 


Give Jorge a big round of applause for his introduction.  (Applause.)  To your superintendent, Dr. Kenneth Baca.  (Applause.)  Your principal, Dr. Anna Battle.  (Applause.)  And I appreciate everybody at Desert Vista for having me here today.  (Applause.)  It is good to see the students are pretty enthusiastic about being back in school.  (Laughter.)  I’m not sure I would have been that enthusiastic starting on the 6th.  (Laughter.) 


And I know this isn’t your typical school — second day of school.  So I want to give a special shout-out to the new seniors, class of 2014.  (Applause.)  You are aware that you’re not finished yet.  (Laughter.)  Senior year, that’s sometimes tempting.  I want you all to stay focused.


Over the past couple weeks, I have been –


AUDIENCE MEMBER:  Happy birthday, Mr. President!


THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you very much.  Thank you.  (Applause.)  It was my birthday two days ago.  (Laughter.)  Got some singers here.


AUDIENCE:  Happy birthday to you, happy birthday to you, happy birthday, Mr. President.  (Applause.)


THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  Thank you.  Thank you.  (Applause.)  I am now 52, and Michelle says that I don’t look a day over 51.  (Laughter.)


So over the last few weeks, I’ve been visiting towns all across the country, talking about what we need to do to secure a better bargain for the middle class — a national strategy to make sure that everybody who works hard has a chance to succeed in the 21st century economy.


And I think people in Arizona especially understand the challenges that are out there, because for the past four and a half years, together, we fought our way back from a devastating recession that cost millions of jobs for Americans.  A lot of folks lost their homes; a lot of folks lost their savings.  And what the recession showed was the long erosion of middle-class security that had been taking place for decades. 


But we fought back.  We took on a broken health care system. We took on a housing market that was in free fall.  We invested in new technologies to reverse our addiction to foreign oil.  We changed a tax code that had become tilted a little bit too much in favor of the wealthiest Americans at the expense of working families.  (Applause.)  We saved the auto industry.  We’ve now got GM that plans to hire a thousand new workers right next door in Chandler to make sure we’re building some of the best cars in the world right here in the United States of America.  (Applause.) 


Our businesses have created 7.3 million new jobs over the past 41 months.  We now sell more products made in America to the rest of the world than ever before.  Our exports are way up.  We produce more renewable energy than ever before, more natural gas than anybody else.  Health care costs have been growing at the slowest rate in 50 years.  And our deficits are coming down at the fastest rate in 60 years.  So we’re making progress.  (Applause.)


So thanks to the efforts of a lot of people like you, we’ve cleared away the rubble of the financial crisis.  We’re starting to lay the foundation for more stable, more durable economic growth.  But as any middle-class family will tell you, we’re not yet where we need to be.  Because even before the crisis hit, we had lived through a decade where a few at the top were doing better and better, but most families were working harder and harder just to get by. 


And reversing this trend should be — must be — Washington’s highest priority.  It’s my highest priority.  (Applause.)  I want to make sure that in America, it doesn’t matter what you look like, where you come from, who you love — you should be able to make it when you try.  You should be able to make it.  (Applause.) 


Now, unfortunately, for the last year or so, we’ve had an endless parade of distractions and political posturing and phony scandals that shift focus away from what do we need to do to shore up middle-class families and create ladders of opportunity for folks to get into the middle class.  And as Washington heads towards another budget debate, the stakes could not be higher. 


And that’s why I’m traveling around, laying out my ideas for how we have to build the cornerstones of what it means to be middle class:  a good job with good wages; a home to call your own; a good education;  affordable health care that’s there for you when you get sick; a secure retirement even if you’re not rich; the opportunity — the ladders of opportunity for people to earn their way into the middle class, to work their way out of poverty.  Those are the elements that I think all of us believe in, but right now we’re not delivering as much as we should on those promises.


Now, last Tuesday, I went to Tennessee to talk about the first cornerstone, which is how do we make sure that we’re creating good middle-class jobs here in the United States of America.  Today I’ve come to Phoenix to talk about the second component, which is the most tangible cornerstone that lies at the heart of the American Dream, at the heart of middle-class life — and that’s the chance to own your own home.  (Applause.) The chance to own your own home.   


We’ve got a lot of young people here who are thinking about college, they’re going to get a higher education, they’re going to find a job, they’re going to find somebody they love, they’re going to want to own a home.  And the reason they will is because a home is the ultimate evidence that here in America, hard work pays off, that responsibility is rewarded. 


I think about my grandparents’ generation.  When my grandfather served in World War II, he fought in Patton’s Army — when he got back, this country gave him a chance to go to college on the G.I. Bill, but it also gave him the chance to buy his first home with a loan from the FHA.  To him, and to generations of Americans before and since, a home was more than just a house. It was a source of pride and a source of security.  It was a place to raise kids, to put down roots; a place where you could build up savings for college, or to start a business, or to retire with some security. 


And buying a home required responsibility on everybody’s part.  You had to save up to buy a home.  And then banks were supposed to give you a fair deal, with terms you could understand, and buyers were supposed to live within their means and make sure that they could make their payments.  So in that earlier generation, houses weren’t for flipping around, they weren’t for speculation — houses were to live in, and to build a life with. 


And unfortunately, over time, responsibility too often gave way to recklessness.  You had reckless lenders who sold loans to people they knew couldn’t afford them.  And let’s face it, we also had some reckless buyers who knew they couldn’t afford them and still took out loans.  And all this created a housing bubble. And especially in some places like Arizona, it was devastating  when that bubble finally burst — triggered a recession.  Millions of Americans who had done everything right were hurt badly by the actions of other people.  Housing prices plummeted.


By the time I took office, home values had fallen almost 20 percent from the year before.  New housing starts had fallen nearly 80 percent from their peak.  Hundreds of thousands of construction workers had lost their jobs.  A record number of people were behind on their mortgage payments.  And a lot of people here in Phoenix, they saw that devastation.  This was part of Ground Zero for the housing bubble bursting.


So less than a month after I took office, I came here to Arizona and I laid out steps to stabilize the housing market and help responsible homeowners get back on their feet.  And the truth is it’s been a long, slow process.  The housing market is so big that it was going to take some time to heal when it got hurt that badly.  It’s taken longer than any of us would like.  But during that time, we helped millions of Americans save an average of $ 3,000 each year by refinancing at lower rates.  We helped millions of responsible homeowners stay in their homes, which was good for their neighbors because you don’t want a bunch of foreclosure signs in your neighborhood. 


Where Congress wouldn’t act, we went ahead and acted, so over the past few years, we had the Department of Justice stand up for buyers who had been discriminated against or conned by predatory lending.  And we won a settlement that gave more money to victims of discrimination in one year than in the previous 23 years combined.  (Applause.)   


We worked with states to force big banks to repay more than $ 50 billion to more than 1.5 million families — largest lending settlement in history.  (Applause.)  We extended the time that folks who had lost their jobs could delay their payment on their mortgages while they kept looking for work.  We cracked down on the bad practices that led to the crisis in the first place.  I mean, you had some loans back there in the bubble that were called “liar’s loan.”  Now, something that’s called a liar’s loan is probably a bad idea.  (Laughter.) 


So because of all these actions we’ve been taking, our housing market is beginning to heal.  Home prices are rising at the fastest pace in seven years.  Sales are up nearly 50 percent. Construction is up nearly 75 percent.  New foreclosures are down by nearly two-thirds.  Millions of families have been able to come up for air — they’re no longer underwater on their mortgages.  (Applause.)   


And just like the crisis hit Phoenix very hard, thanks to some great leadership here locally, Phoenix has also led one of the biggest comebacks in the country.  (Applause.)  So you should be proud of what you’ve done here.  Home prices in Phoenix have risen by nearly 20 percent over the last year.  New home sales are up by more than 25 percent.


This morning, right before I came here, I visited Erickson Construction — (applause.)  We’ve got some Erickson folks here. And they were explaining how right when the bubble hit, Erickson shrank to less than a hundred workers.  Today they’re employing 580 people — and they’re hiring even more people — (applause)  — because the housing market is bouncing back.   


So that’s one of the things about housing.  It’s not just important for the person who owns the house; our economy is so impacted by everything that happens in housing.  Consumers feel better when their home values are in a better place, so they’re more willing to spend.  A lot of people who want to start a business, their savings may be locked up in their house.  Construction workers, contractors, suppliers, carpet makers, all these folks are impacted by the housing industry.


So we’ve made progress, and that’s helped to move the economy forward.  But we’ve got to build on this progress.  We’re not where we need to be yet.  We’ve got to give more hardworking Americans the chance to buy their first home.  (Applause.)  We have to help more responsible homeowners refinance their mortgages, because a lot of them still have a spread between the rates they’re paying right now on their mortgage and what they could be getting if they were able to refinance. 


And we’ve got to turn the page on this kind of bubble-and-bust mentality that helped to create this mess in the first place.  (Applause.)  We got to build a housing system that is durable and fair and rewards responsibility for generations to come.  That’s what we’ve got to do.  (Applause.)


So I’ve already put forward a bunch of ideas that will help accomplish that.  And, look, the fact of the matter is Congress hasn’t enacted all of them, so I’d like you to encourage members of Congress to take some of these actions.  (Applause.)


But like the other actions that we’ve taken, these will not help the neighbors down the street who bought a house that they couldn’t afford, and then walked away from it and left a foreclosed home behind.  We don’t want to help speculators who bought multiple homes just to make a quick buck. 


What we want to do is put forward ideas that will help millions of responsible, middle-class homeowners who still need relief.  And we want to help hardworking Americans who dream of owning their own home fair and square, have a down payment, are willing to make those payments, understand that owning a home requires responsibility.  And there are some immediate actions we could take right now that would help on that front, that would make a difference.  So let me just list a couple of them. 


Number one:  Congress should pass a good, bipartisan idea to allow every homeowner the chance to save thousands of dollars a year by refinancing their mortgage at today’s rates.  (Applause.) We need to get that done.  We’ve been talking about it for a year and a half, two years, three years.  There’s no reason not to do it.  (Applause.) 


Step number two:  Now that we’ve made it harder for reckless buyers to buy homes that they can’t afford, let’s make it a little bit easier for qualified buyers to buy the homes that they can afford.  (Applause.)  So Shaun Donovan has been working with the finance industry to make sure we’re simplifying overlapping regulations; we’re cutting red tape for responsible families who want to get a mortgage but keep getting rejected by the banks.  We need to give well-qualified Americans who lost their jobs during the crisis a fair chance to get a loan if they’ve worked hard to repair their credit.


And step three is something that you don’t always hear about when it comes to the housing market, and that is fixing our broken immigration system.  It would actually help our housing market.  (Applause.)


It’s pretty simple:  When more people buy homes and play by the rules, home values go up for everybody.  And according to one recent study, the average homeowner has already seen the value of their home boosted by thousands of dollars just because of immigration.  And the good news is, with the help of your Senators, John McCain and Jeff Flake, the Senate has already passed a bipartisan immigration bill.  It’s got the support of CEOs and labor and law enforcement.  (Applause.)   This could help homeownership here.


So I want you to encourage Republicans in the House of Representatives to stop dragging their feet.  Let’s go ahead and get this done.     


Step number four:  We should address the uneven recovery by rebuilding the communities hit the hardest by the housing crisis, including many right here in Arizona.  Let’s put construction back — construction workers back to work repairing rundown homes, tearing down vacant properties so that the value of homes in those surrounding areas start picking up.  We can put people to work right now and improve the remaining housing stock that’s out there.  (Applause.)  Places that are facing a longer road back from the crisis should have their country’s help to get back on their feet. 


Step five:  We should make sure families that don’t want to buy a home or can’t yet afford to buy one still have a decent place to rent.  (Applause.)   It’s important for us to encourage homeownership, but a lot of people rent and there’s nothing wrong with renting.  And we got to make sure that we are creating affordable opportunities when it comes to rental properties.


In the run-up to the crisis, banks and governments too often made everybody feel like they had to own a home, even if they weren’t ready and didn’t have the payments.  That’s a mistake we should not repeat.  Instead, let’s invest in affordable rental housing.  Let’s bring together cities and states to address local barriers that drive up rents for working families.  (Applause.)  


So if we help more Americans refinance their homes, if we help qualified families get a mortgage, we reform our immigration system, we rebuild the hardest-hit communities, we make sure that folks have a decent place to rent if they’re not yet able to buy — all these steps will give more middle-class families the chance to either buy their own home now or eventually buy their own home.  It’s going to give more relief to responsible homeowners.  It gives more options to families who aren’t yet ready to buy.  All that is going to improve the housing market and will improve the economy.


But — and this is the last key point I want to make — as home prices rise, we can’t just re-inflate another housing bubble.  I hope everybody here in Arizona learned some hard lessons from what happened.  Housing prices generally don’t just keep on going up forever at the kind of pace it was going up.  It was crazy.  So what we want to do is something stable and steady. And that’s why I want to lay a rock-solid foundation to make sure the kind of crisis we went through never happens again.  We’ve got to make sure it doesn’t happen again.  (Applause.)  


And one of the key things to make sure it doesn’t happen again is to wind down these companies that are not really government, but not really private sector — they’re known as Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae.  For too long, these companies were allowed to make huge profits buying mortgages, knowing that if their bets went bad, taxpayers would be left holding the bag.  It was “heads we win, tails you lose.”  And it was wrong.  And along with what happened on Wall Street, it helped to inflate this bubble in a way that ultimately killed Main Street.


So the good news is, right now there’s a bipartisan group of senators working to end Fannie and Freddie as we know them.  And I support these kinds of reform efforts.  And they’re following four core principles for what I believe this reform should look like. 


First, private capital should take a bigger role in the mortgage market.  I know that sounds confusing to folks who call me a socialist — I think I saw some posters there on the way in. (Laughter.)  But I actually believe in the free market.  And just like the health care law that we put in place, Obamacare — (applause) — which, by the way, if you don’t have health insurance or you’re buying it at exorbitant rates on the individual market, starting on October 1st, you can join a marketplace and be part of a pool that gives you much lower premiums, saves you a lot of money.  (Applause.)


But in the same way that what we did with health care was to set up clear rules for insurance companies to protect consumers, make it more affordable, but still built on the private marketplace, I believe that our housing system should operate where there’s a limited government role and private lending should be the backbone of the housing market.  And that includes, by the way, community-based lenders who view their borrowers not as a number, but as a neighbor.  So that’s one principle.


A second principle is we can’t leave taxpayers on the hook for irresponsibility or bad decisions by some of these lenders or Fannie Mae or Freddie Mac.  (Applause.)  We’ve got to encourage the pursuit of profit, but the era of expecting a bailout after you pursue your profit and you don’t manage your risk well — well, that puts the whole country at risk.  And we’re ending those days.  We’re not going to do that anymore.  (Applause.)


The third principle is we should preserve access to safe and simple mortgage products like the 30-year, fixed-rate mortgage.  That’s something families should be able to rely on when they’re making the most important purchase of their lives.  (Applause.)  


Number four, we’ve got to keep housing affordable for first-time homebuyers — like all these young people.  When they’re ready to buy a house, we’ve got to make sure it’s affordable.  Families who are working to climb their way into the middle class, we’ve got to do what we can to make housing affordable.  And that means we’ve got to strengthen the FHA so it gives today’s families the same kind of chance it gave my grandparents to buy a home, and it preserves those rungs on the ladder of opportunity. 


And we’ve got to support, as I said, affordable rental housing.  And, by the way, we’ve also got to keep up our fight against homelessness.  (Applause.)  The Mayor of Phoenix has been doing a great job here in Phoenix on that front.  We’ve got to continue to improve it.  (Applause.)   


Since I took office, we helped bring one in four homeless veterans off the streets.  (Applause.)  We should be proud of that.  Here in Phoenix, thanks to the hard work of everyone from Mayor Stanton to the local United Way to US Airways, you’re on track to end chronic homelessness for veterans, period, by 2014. (Applause.) 


But we’ve got to keep going, because nobody in America, and certainly no veteran, should be left to live on the streets.  (Applause.) 


So here’s the bottom line:  Put all these principles together, that’s going to protect our entire economy and it will improve the housing market not just here in Phoenix, but throughout the state and throughout the country. 


We’re also going to need to make sure, though, that we’re protecting individual homeowners.  We’ve got to give them the tools that they can protect themselves.  So we’ve got a Consumer Finance Protection Bureau that we created.  (Applause.)  And it’s laying down new rules of the road that everybody can count on when they’re shopping for a mortgage.  They’re designing a new, simple mortgage form that will be in plain English, so you can actually read it without a lawyer — (applause) — although, you may still want a lawyer obviously.  I’m not saying you don’t.  I’m just saying you’ll be able to read it.  (Laughter.)  There won’t be a lot of fine print.  That way you know before you owe. (Laughter and applause.) 


And the Senate finally confirmed Richard Cordray as the head of this — head watchdog for the CFPB.  (Applause.)  So he’s out there aggressively protecting consumers and homeowners. 


When it comes to some of the other leaders we need to look out for the American people, the Senate still has a job to do.  Months ago, I nominated a man named Mel Watt to be our nation’s top housing regulator.  He is an outstanding member of Congress. And during that time, he was on the Housing Committee — worked with banks, worked with borrowers to protect consumers, to help responsible lenders provide credit.  He is the right person for the job.  Congress and the Senate should give his nomination an up or down vote without any more obstruction or delay.  We don’t have time for those kinds of games.  (Applause.) 


So I want to be honest with you.  No program or policy is going to solve all the problems in a multi-trillion dollar housing market.  The housing bubble went up so high, the heights it reached before it burst were so unsustainable, that we knew it was going to take some time for us to fully recover.  But if we take the steps that I talked about today, then I know we will restore not just our home values, but also our common values.  We’ll make owning a home a symbol of responsibility, not speculation — a source of security for generations to come, just like it was for my grandparents.  I want it to be just like that for all the young people who are here today and their children and their grandchildren.  (Applause.)


And if we stay focused on middle-class security and opportunities to get into the middle class, if we take the strategy that I’m laying out for the entire economy — for jobs and housing and education, health care, retirement, creating ladders of opportunity — then we will secure that better bargain for all Americans, where hard work is once again rewarded with a shot at a middle-class life, which means more Americans will know the pride of that first paycheck.  More Americans will know the satisfaction of flipping the sign to “Open” on their own business.  More Americans will know the joy of scratching the child’s height on the door of their new home — with pencil, of course.  (Laughter.) 


We can do all this if we work together.  And it won’t be easy.  But if we take just a few bold steps — and if Washington will just end the gridlock, set aside the slash-and-burn partisanship — (applause) — actually try to solve problems instead of scoring political points, our economy will grow stronger a year from now, five years from now, 10 years from now. (Applause.) 


And as long as I’ve got the privilege to serve as your President, that’s what I’m going to be fighting for. 


Thank you very much, everybody.  God bless you.  (Applause.)


                        END           1:35 P.M. MST



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White House Speeches



President Obama Speaks on Restoring Security to Homeownership