Monday, April 7, 2014

Inside Jobs: Why Facebook’s Hardware Engineering Head Likes Getting His Hands Dirty

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Inside Jobs: Why Facebook’s Hardware Engineering Head Likes Getting His Hands Dirty

Food-Bank Slumming For Dummies: The Series

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Food-Bank Slumming For Dummies: The Series

In Quebec: Same old, same old -- or a historic upset?

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In Quebec: Same old, same old -- or a historic upset?

Remember That 18 Year Old Rich Kid "It"sLavishBitch" Who Constantly Bragged About How Rich He Was On Instagram? Well He Got The Shit Beat Out Of

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Remember That 18 Year Old Rich Kid "It"sLavishBitch" Who Constantly Bragged About How Rich He Was On Instagram? Well He Got The Shit Beat Out Of

Soccer Match Has More Flying Kicks Than Street Fighter

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Soccer Match Has More Flying Kicks Than Street Fighter

Million Mask March Brings Thousands To DC To protest Corruption

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Million Mask March Brings Thousands To DC To protest Corruption

AR Build: Ambi Bolt Catch Install, Part 5 of 11

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AR Build: Ambi Bolt Catch Install, Part 5 of 11

Introducing the Desktop 3D Printer

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Introducing the Desktop 3D Printer

Designed for lone commuters, this three-wheeled car gets 84 mpg

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Designed for lone commuters, this three-wheeled car gets 84 mpg

Congressman Peter King - Chairman, Homeland Security Subcommittee on Counterintelligence & Terrorism

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Congressman Peter King - Chairman, Homeland Security Subcommittee on Counterintelligence & Terrorism

Disputes Much of Report...

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Disputes Much of Report...

Student Was Forced to Perform Sexual Acts in Her Dorm, Harvard Turned a Blind Eye



How America"s top universities fail rape survivors.








You"ve heard this story before: A young woman is sexually assaulted on her college campus. She reports it to campus authorities. They take the accusations as a “he said, she said”. They do nothing. She goes to therapy, maybe goes on medication, maybe drops out of school. He goes on with his life. The university stays silent in the face of criticism, or perhaps pledges to take “a new look” at its sexual assault policies.


The latest depressing chapter arrived this week at Harvard, where a student penned an anonymous letter in the school newspaper detailing what she says was an assault on her and inaction by her university. The woman was in a friend"s dorm room – intoxicated, she writes – when “a friend” pressured her into sexual activity. There wasn"t physical force, she says, but there were demands and there was pain inflicted, and she was scared and drunk and trapped between him and a wall.


The woman reported the assault, but Harvard"s 20-year-old sexual assault policy is so outdated – less comprehensive than that of all the other Ivies, less inclusive even than the guidelines of the Justice Department – that the administration told her there was little they could do. Under Harvard policy, “Indecent assault and battery involves any unwanted touching or fondling of a sexual nature that is accompanied by physical force or threat of bodily injury.” The policy doesn"t address consent or intoxication in the context of indecent assault and battery, although it touches on those issues in cases of penetrative rape. Many other schools require “affirmative consent” – that is, you need to get a “yes” before you have sex with someone … rather than just the absence of a “no”.


Harvard joins too long a line of elite universities accused of inadequately meeting the needs of sexual assault survivors: YalePrincetonBrown,DartmouthUNCOccidental and many more. But what might have been easily swept under the rug 10 years ago is now, largely thanks to the internet, a major story.


Why aren"t schools like Harvard, with their vast financial and intellectual resources, with their leadership position at the very top of higher education, doing a better job? Why have the best universities in America turned from in loco parentis to incommunicado?


The usual sad suspects are all out again: Ivy League entitlement, institutional self-protection, impulsive identification with the accused rather than the accuser.


Jaclyn Friedman, a sexual assault educator from Boston who has worked with Harvard students, told me that they say young women are bussed in from Boston University and Wellesley to attend parties and social events at Final Clubs – the Harvard equivalent of fraternities.


“The attitude is, "these girls are lucky to be at this party,"” Friedman says. “That inherent power dynamic feeds right into rape culture.”


Sexual assaults like the one detailed by the brave anonymous Harvard student happen when men feel entitled to women"s bodies and when men feel as though they can commit bad acts with impunity. And that"s what is extra troubling about these Ivy League assaults: they happen at institutions where student identities are entirely grounded in a narrative of exceptionalism.


Does the “I"m special” ethos turn students into rapists? Of course not – sexual assault happens in nearly every corner of the world, and on college campuses of all types. But the Ivy League identity may help to cultivate the assumption that such extraordinariness somehow means there are fewer consequences for the chosen ones.


Studies show that men are more likely to commit acts of sexual violence in communities where sexual violence goes unpunished – a truth reflected in the way we understand assault in institutions like the military and in far-away countries like the Congo, Bosnia and India, where we use the word “impunity” to describe how weak governance and a culture of higher-ups looking the other way allows abuse to thrive.


It can be more difficult to see our own institutions of higher learning in that same context of power and abdication of responsibility – and surely there are innumerable, substantial differences, particularly between rape as a war crime and acquaintance assault. But as different in nearly every way as Harvard may be from Kosovo, the Ivy League implies a similar freedom from consequences, and inadequate sexual assault policies affirm it.


“These are "Harvard men,"” Friedman tells me. “We assume these aren"t the type of guys who would do this sort of thing.”


They do, of course, and administrators have to deal with it, uncomfortably. Colleges are not courts of law, and students are disciplined and expelled for a range of activities, including those that don"t actually break any criminal codes. Universities often prefer to deal with sexual assault charges themselves for two reasons, one well-intentioned and one significantly less so: to save students the trauma of bringing a difficult-to-win criminal case, and to save the university the embarrassment and attendant dip in enrollment that comes from a public criminal complaint. Given that so many students prefer not to report the kind of assaults that all too commonly occur on college campuses – those involving “a friend” or someone they know – a university"s willingness to handle such matters itself is, at least in theory, quite laudable.


But university administrators have to actually deal with it. Colleges are not required to uphold the standard of “innocent until proven guilty”; being on campus is a privilege, not a right, and the university doesn"t have the power to deprive students of their personal liberties. But the overwhelming majority of on-campus rapes are committed by a small number of repeat offenders. Most campus assailants commit multiple assaults. This should put administrators in risk-assessment mode. They should take every singly accusation more seriously: keeping an assailant on campus, even if he seems like a nice guy, often means more sexual assault.


Of course there has to be significant care given to ensure a student accused of any offense gets a fair defense. No serious person suggests that an accusation should immediately lead to expulsion from Harvard. There"s no perfect way to balance the competing interests here, and universities will never, sadly, be able to ensure that campuses are 100% safe for female students.


Yet there"s a lot of space between perfection and the status quo. A school spokesperson told me via email that Harvard is moving to address its sexual assault policy, and there is a new task force, which are good first steps. But the most famously elite university in America should also be instituting transparent processes for dealing with sexual assault accusations, training administrators and judicial boards on how to handle sexual assault cases, and making sure students have a clear understanding of affirmative consent to sex. “No means no” isn"t good enough anymore. Harvard should be leading the way.


“These universities, especially Harvard and the elite universities, are supposed to be creating our next generation of thinkers and ideas,” Friedman said. “We don’t need perfect answers in order to do something better. They"re Harvard. They could consider themselves on the forefront of how to use their creative energies to address this issue.”


 

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Student Was Forced to Perform Sexual Acts in Her Dorm, Harvard Turned a Blind Eye

Classic: Bonus Points for the Flip

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Classic: Bonus Points for the Flip

ObamaPhone: Progressive Speed Dial

At Hey WTF? News, the privacy of our visitors is of extreme importance to us (See this article to learn more about Privacy Policies.). This privacy policy document outlines the types of personal information is received and collected by Hey WTF? News and how it is used.

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ObamaPhone: Progressive Speed Dial

Hi/Lo: Abstract-Print Slouchy Pants


  • Style



Hi/Lo: Abstract Print Relax Fit Pants

Hi/Lo: Black & White Mules


Hi/Lo: Black and White Mules

Shop the hottest trends for less. Read More »


If you haven’t already, ease into spring with a pair of relaxed fit pants in a cool, abstract print. I know what you’re thinking. But Sophie, they look like pajama bottoms. ’Tis true, but think of the pajama-like comfort! What’s not to love? Try pairing these printed pants with a short structured jacket and heels. If you aren’t ready to shell out the big bucks on this trend, try the Olive & Oak version on sale at T.J. Maxx for $ 19.99.





The FriskyThe Frisky



Hi/Lo: Abstract-Print Slouchy Pants

Son of a Bush sets 2016 timeline

U.S. President George W. Bush (R) and his brother, Florida Governor Jeb Bush, REUTERS/Jim Young

I don’t know who’s more excited by the prospect of a presidential campaign by former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush, Democrats who would love to see the Bush name at the top of the GOP ticket, or moronic fat cat Republicans who just a few months ago were trying to convince Mitt Romney to run again. Whatever the case may be, Bush now says he’ll decide by the end of 2014 whether he’s going to throw his hat into the ring:

Former Florida Governor Jeb Bush said he would decide whether to run for the U.S. presidency in 2016 by the end of this year.

If he does run, he clearly doesn’t want anyone to think he was eager to do it, however:

“I go about my business each day trying to avoid having to think about it,” Bush said yesterday at the George Bush Presidential Library and Museum in College Station, Texas. “I have a lot of work to do, and I have a fulfilled life.”

Yeah, I’m not buying that for a second. For this former two-term governor AND son AND brother of a president, the question isn’t whether he wants to run, it’s whether he thinks he can win. The bad news—if, like me, you’re rooting for him to run—is that last month The Washington Post conducted a national survey featuring 11 potential GOP nominees and found that Bush would be the worst candidate Republicans could nominate. The good news is that Republicans will probably convince themselves that findings like that are all just a plot by the lame-stream media to keep them from nominating their last, best hope for the White House. Whatever the case, my fingers are crossed.



Daily Kos



Son of a Bush sets 2016 timeline

“Anti-Christian religious bigotry” is apparently what conservatives are now calling LGBTQ rights

NOM president Brian Brown is seeing a rise in “anti-Christian” bigotry, which is just a rise in LGBTQ rights







Salon.com



“Anti-Christian religious bigotry” is apparently what conservatives are now calling LGBTQ rights

Now He Tells Us: John Paul Stevens Wants to Abolish the Death Penalty

In his latest book, Six Amendments: How and Why We Should Change the Constitution, retired United States Supreme Court Justice John Stevens reminds us why some of the most frustrating judges are the ones who have left their courts behind. What would American law look like today, how different might it be, if this moderate justice had been willing to vote on the Court all those decades for what he now believes to be just?


For example, a man who consistently upheld capital convictions and the death penalty itself for over 35 years, who helped send hundreds of men and women to their deaths by failing to hold state officials accountable for constitutional violations during capital trials, who more recently endorsed dubious lethal injection standards because he did not want to buck up against court precedent, now wants the Eighth Amendment to read this way, with five new words added:


Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments such as the death penalty inflicted.



It’s never too late for redemption, I suppose (unless you are one of those innocent men executed in America since capital punishment returned in its modern form in 1976). And Justice Stevens deserves credit, at least, for sharing his change of heart with the rest of the world in a manner likely to garner much attention. In his new book, a wish-list of what he’d like to change about the Constitution, an apology of sorts for all that he got wrong, he writes:


For me, the question that cannot be avoided is whether the execution of only an “insignificant minimum” of innocent citizens is tolerable in a civilized society. Given the availability of life imprisonment without the ability of parole as an alternative method of preventing the defendant from committing further crimes and deterring others from doing so, and the rules that prevent imposing an “eye for an eye” form of retributive punishment, I find the answer to that question pellucidly clear. When it comes to state-mandated killings of innocent civilians, there can be no “insignificant minimum.”



These are powerful words—and perhaps they will further stoke the roiling debate today over the death penalty. But they are essentially the same words uttered famously, for essentially the same reasons, by another moderate Republican appointee, Justice Harry Blackmun. It’s been 20 years now since he turned away from the death penalty in Callins v. Collins in one of the most famous dissents in Court history. In February 1994, Justice Blackmun wrote:


Rather than continue to coddle the Court’s delusion that the desired level of fairness has been achieved and the need for regulation eviscerated, I feel morally and intellectually obligated simply to concede that the death penalty experiment has failed. It is virtually self evident to me now that no combination of procedural rules or substantive regulations ever can save the death penalty from its inherent constitutional deficiencies. The basic question–does the system accurately and consistently determine which defendants “deserve” to die?—cannot be answered in the affirmative.



Twenty years later, with what we now know about wrongful convictions, racial disparities in capital cases, and lethal injection secrecy, those words ring ever more true. Now compare Justice Blackmun’s cri de coeur with the words of Justice Stevens, in the aforementioned lethal injection case, Baze v. Rees, decided in 2008. In a concurrence in that case, after a lengthy critique of capital punishment rules and Kentucky’s lethal injection plans, Justice Stevens wrote:


I have relied on my own experience in reaching the conclusion that the imposition of the death penalty represents “the pointless and needless extinction of life with only marginal contributions to any discernible social or public purposes. A penalty with such negligible returns to the State [is] patently excessive and cruel and unusual punishment violative of the Eighth Amendment.Furman, 408 U. S., at 312 (White, J., concurring).



It took Justice Stevens over 30 years—from his ascension to the Supreme Court in 1975 to 2008—to reach this point. And it has taken him another six years, from 2008 to 2014, to fully become the advocate for reform that he never was on the Court. If I were Senator Patrick Leahy, the Vermont Democrat who chairs the Senate Judiciary Committee, I would invite Justice Stevens today to testify on Capitol Hill about the death penalty—to bear witness, expert witness, to its arbitrary nature.


I have written before about how continuing exposure to capital cases turns Supreme Court justices from supporters to opponents of the death penalty. About how no one on the Court who sifts through the litany of unfair capital trials bubbling up from state courts ever becomes a more ardent supporter of the death penalty. Justice Stevens is just the latest example of this frustrating phenomenon. These jurists see the light—almost always too late to do any good.


Except it is not yet too late for Justice Stevens. In Six Amendments, he directly criticizes Justice Antonin Scalia’s tendentious capital jurisprudence, and he should continue to do so as he now embarks upon his book tour. Freed from his obedience to Court precedent, and his self-imposed constraints as a judge, Justice Stevens should shout as loudly as his modest demeanor permits about the injustices he sees in the administration of the death penalty.


It would be a good thing, maybe even a great thing, for a retired justice to speak so candidly in public about some of the most controversial issues the Court ever faces—who lives, who dies, and who decides. Who knows? Perhaps the justice’s conscience, expressed so passionately now, will draw out from the shadows the views of those current justices who themselves have grave doubts about the constitutionality of capital punishment in America today. Better they say so while they still have a vote on the Court than to wait too long until they don’t.










Politics : The Atlantic



Now He Tells Us: John Paul Stevens Wants to Abolish the Death Penalty

Facing fire, Boehner insists his Obamacare expansion vote was really a repeal vote

Speaker of the House John Boehner speaking at the 2012 CPAC in Washington, D.C.
Good luck with that.


House Speaker John Boehner’s job has gotten substantially harder with the success of Obamacare enrollments and the reality that the law is here to stay. He’s got one side—business interests—wanting his help in making changes to the law that will help them and the other—Matt Drudge and the tea party—insisting that he do nothing other than repeal. It’s not working out so well.

Last week, in an unusual voice vote without debate, the House passed their “doc fix,” the must-pass legislation to make sure physicians didn’t face a 24 percent cut in reimbursements in treating Medicare patients. Tucked quietly into that bill was a provision business organizations had been pushing for that would expand coverage options for small businesses by a eliminating cap on deductibles for small group policies offered inside the law’s health care exchanges. That would allow the businesses to offer high-deductible, cheaper policies for people who also have health savings accounts. That would count, for many, as an improvement in the law. Including Matt Drudge, who had a screaming headline Monday morning: “Republicans Expand Obamacare?”


Boehner is now falling all over himself trying to insist that this isn’t an expansion, but actually a repeal.


Please read below the fold for more on this story.




Daily Kos



Facing fire, Boehner insists his Obamacare expansion vote was really a repeal vote

Piss Off: University students pee in cups for Guiness World Record STD test attempt

At Hey WTF? News, the privacy of our visitors is of extreme importance to us (See this article to learn more about Privacy Policies.). This privacy policy document outlines the types of personal information is received and collected by Hey WTF? News and how it is used.

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Piss Off: University students pee in cups for Guiness World Record STD test attempt