Showing posts with label Roots. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Roots. Show all posts

Tuesday, March 4, 2014

On the Romantic Era Roots of Black Metal

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On the Romantic Era Roots of Black Metal

Sunday, February 2, 2014

Media Roots Radio – Obama’s Weak NSA Retort & the Antidote to Defeatism

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Media Roots Radio – Obama’s Weak NSA Retort & the Antidote to Defeatism

Saturday, November 23, 2013

GOP Pushes "Red to the Roots" Takeover in South Carolina


South Carolina Republican Party Chairman Matt Moore shares some striking political data when visiting local party meetings: In a state where the GOP holds most statewide offices and congressional and state legislative seats, Democrats still hold the counties. Democrats also outnumber Republicans as sheriffs, coroners and auditors.


But that could change in 2014. Moore says his goal in next year’s elections is to flip the local offices to Republican control, completing a transformation that started nearly 50 years ago when then-Democrat Sen. Strom Thurmond went on statewide television and announced he was switching to the GOP — in a state so heavily Democratic that it didn’t even list party affiliations in its legislative manual.


The same transformation is occurring elsewhere in the South, in places where Republicans often didn’t put up candidates because Democrats had such a lock on the electorate.


Focus on local races is the next logical step, Moore said, because most Republican statewide offices, the two U.S. Senate seats, six of its seven U.S. House members and 106 of the 170 seats in the Legislature appear safely in the GOP control.


That means the party can afford to spend resources further down the ballot on the program it calls “Red to the Roots.”


“Local decisions have more impact than federal decisions or state decisions,” Moore said. “We want to have an impact on things like property taxes and schools.”


In South Carolina, counties have a lot of power. Only 35 percent of the state’s population lives in cities or towns, leaving 65 percent to live in unincorporated areas run by counties. The counties also set property taxes — the revenue generator for schools — and some counties even get a say in who gets on local school boards. Cities have relatively little power.


The template for Moore’s plan can be found in Lancaster County, a place that after Reconstruction didn’t send a Republican to the Statehouse until 1993 and gave Bill Clinton a nearly 7 percentage point win in the 1996 presidential election. In 2012, Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney won Lancaster County by nearly 18 percentage points.


The transformation is part demographics. Since 1990, the county has grown 48 percent to nearly 80,000 people. Much of that growth has spilled over from neighboring Charlotte, N.C., many of them moving to South Carolina looking for lower taxes and receptive to the Republicans’ message.


However, the change was due in part to Lancaster County Republican Party Chairwoman Sandy McGarry’s efforts.


First she identified Democratic office holders who seemed compatible to the Republicans’ platform. She took a computer presentation to them, full of population statistics and voting results down to the precinct level to show the Republican trend. Then she asked them to switch parties, and brandished her stick — a solid Republican challenger in the next election that could take advantage of the trends in her presentation.


It’s more than just numbers, McGarry said.


“They have got to be conservative. We’re just not asking anyone to switch,” she said.


The presentation convinced Sheriff Barry Faile, who switched parties this summer. McGarry’s efforts also helped get three new Republicans elected to the County Council, giving the GOP a majority for the first time in recent memory.


Democrats aren’t ready to give up their last power base. They also plan to emphasize races on the lower end of the ticket, reminding voters that a lot of these Democrats are faithful public servants who do a good job, state Democratic Party Executive Director Amanda Loveday said.


They also are emphasizing that they are a party with a much less rigid ideology that allows disagreement, saying Republicans are much more likely to force their members into taking sides publicly on an issue that they might disagree with privately.


“We’re a big tent party. You don’t have to have a straight-line view on every issue,” said Loveday.


The push to get Republicans in local offices is spreading to other Southern states, especially places like Tennessee.


“The last bastion for the Democrats is at the local level,” Tennessee Republican Party Chairman Chris Devaney said.


Unlike South Carolina, many states in the South elect judges at the polls, which makes it even more important to get Republican control, said Devaney, who is working to Tennessee’s counties to hold primaries that list party affiliation.


“Some of these judicial posts are way down on the ballot. At least if you give them a party label, they will have a general idea what their judicial philosophy is,” he said.


In South Carolina’s Lancaster County, the Republican trailblazer is state Sen. Greg Gregory, who decided to join the GOP in college in the 1980s because of Ronald Reagan. He ran in 1992, recalling how as he went to rural parts of the county, voters would needle him by telling a story that in the 1932 presidential election in the midst of the Great Depression that Democrat Franklin Roosevelt got 10,000 votes and Republican incumbent Herbert Hoover received two votes.


“They joked they were still looking for those two people,” Gregory said.


South Carolina currently has 21 Republican sheriffs and coroners and 19 Republican treasurers in its 46 counties. The GOP also has a majority in 21 of the state’s 45 partisan county councils. They think they can get majorities in all those offices and councils next year, which would end a takeover that started back when Republicans grimly joked they held “defeat parties” on Election Night because that was what was going to happen to their candidates.


“It’s real simple,” Moore said. “Anyone paying attention knows this is a conservative state and is likely to stay that way. It’s a matter of being on the right side.”


© Copyright 2013 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.




Newsmax – America



GOP Pushes "Red to the Roots" Takeover in South Carolina

Tuesday, September 24, 2013

MOOCs Need to Go Back to Their Roots


Collective studying outdoors There’s a dirty little secret at the heart of education: We don’t really know what learning is, how people best do it, or how to measure it.

Photo by William Perugi/Shutterstock




This back-to-school season has also brought a wide range of developments in the online education space known as MOOCs: massively open online courses. While MOOCs vary in the details, most are free, taught by professors, and are solely for the edification of the student—not for credit. In recent weeks, we’ve seen announcements for the Open Education Alliance, a partnership between the state of California, Udacity, and a host of major tech companies, and Google combining its Course Builder software with Ivy League MOOC consortium EdX, making it easier for top notch professors to use the curriculum development equivalent of Gmail or Blogger




But announcements are not results, and MOOCs, hailed as the saviors of higher education when they burst into public awareness in 2012, have had trouble living up to the hype. San Jose State’s experiment with MOOCs for many introductory and remedial classes was suspended after two semesters, with approximately one-half as many students passing the same classes taught traditionally. That sort of retreat is part of the natural lifecycle of new technologies, the trough of disillusionment. But in another way it’s due a deeper weakness in the design of MOOCs—choosing to substitute buzzword-based disruption for an actual model of what an online, open, and user-driven education should be like. To fix MOOCs, we have to go back to the beginning.




There’s a dirty little secret at the heart of education: We don’t really know what learning is, how people best do it, or how to measure it. Many theories have been developed over time, and they can be separated into two major categories. The standard approach is cognitive-behaviorism, which argues that knowledge can be measured by giving students an identically administered test. Cognitive-behaviorist approaches developed with the rise of public schooling and the accompanying challenges of allocating resources efficiently in a diverse and changing industrial economy. The problem with cognitive-behaviorist is that, as anyone who has ever wielded a No. 2 pencil knows, it results in boring drills and anxiety-provoking tests. Perhaps even more worryingly, the design and development of such assessments is far from an exact science. If done poorly, they can lead to irrelevant educational practices in the name of teaching to the test. And finally, to make meaningful rankings of students, this perspective demands failures.




The main alternative is constructivism, which believes that education is essentially ineffable, but is achieved when a student incorporates a new idea into her mental toolbox. Constructivist approaches to education emphasize dialogue, creativity, and independence. It makes an intuitive case for explaining mastery of complex skills and bolsters the experiences of teachers and students. The problem is that constructivist education is inherently individualized and requires painstaking effort from all parties involved, with commensurate financial costs. Finally, the instructor’s word is the only proof that the student has learned anything, making the whole system dependent on trust in the skill and probity of teachers—and impossible to scale up.




All this theoretical incoherence means that there’s plenty of room for experimentation. Online education is one such grand experiment, replacing all the complex infrastructure of classrooms and scheduling with a few inexpensive and reliable servers. Unfortunately, most of today’s MOOCs are poorly conceived from both constructivist and cognitive-behaviorist approaches. Traditional assessments that measure recall or proficiency with clearly defined concepts are irrelevant when students can freely consult books, notes, Google, and their friends while completing homework and tests. MOOC providers can try to lock down their tests, buying space by randomizing questions and setting up proctoring centers in strip malls, but the fact remains that any assignment that can be graded by a computer can also be easily solved by a student with a computer—and it encourages looking for the right search terms rather than working out an original solution.




While great teachers can deliver lectures to tens of thousands of students worldwide via video, there’s no way for them to have a conversation with all those students. And while platforms like Coursera have made it easier for professors to put together online classes, the end result is a hypertextbook, not a virtual classroom that builds discipline. No wonder MOOCs have an average completion rate of just 7 percent. By and large the material is no more compelling than a textbook, and certificates of completion aside, there’s no reward for finishing the class. The virtual classroom has to compete for attention with Facebook, Netflix, and the real world. Interaction between teachers and students in MOOCs is so minimal that two professors from Duke teaching a class on reason and argument using Coursera promised to shave their heads on camera for a pass rate above 25 percent, providing a practical example of an appeal to pity. The cheap tricks of edutainment substitute for the hard work of learning.




Cyberspace plays by different rules than the real world, so we need to start designing online classes from the ground up instead of trying to cut and mangle the internet so that it looks like a 20th-century classroom. Contrary to popular belief, MOOCs didn’t originate with Sebastian Thrun and Peter Norvig’s heralded 2011 class on artificial intelligence, which developed into the startup Udacity. Rather, Stephen Downes and George Siemens, a pair of Canadian academics, developed the MOOC in 2008 as a proof of concept of their connectivist theory of education. Drawing from neuroscience and computer networking, connectivism postulates that knowledge is distributed across human and nonhuman nodes in a network. Downes and Siemens argue that in the 21st century, education is the ability to navigate this network, link disparate fields, and contribute to the understanding of other people.




Connectivism is a somewhat flaky utopian idea, a technological metaphor more than a practical method, but it works with the strengths of digital technology, rather than against it—and MOOC designers should try to hew closely to the original model as much as possible. Rather than pouring effort into making thousands of glossy but ultimately stagnant hypertextbook “classes,” MOOC developers should be designing platforms that work for traditional scholarly fields and the new skills of the global economy. Twelve-week courses, video lectures, and mostly empty discussion boards should be replaced with an ongoing discussion that encourages participants to share what they know with each one another than perform for some distant grader. Professors would set the broad terms of the discussion and subtly guide it toward productive and interesting topics, instead of presenting a fixed curriculum. The hardest part of MOOC design, and the one that deserves the most attention, is making a space for engaged education that rewards helping others as a prelude to learning, not one that replicates the most tedious parts of today’s classrooms.




The current strategy of MOOC developers is one of downmarket disruption, using technology to replace the costly capital and labor of education. This is the standard Silicon Valley game plan, and historically it works even when the product is markedly inferior. Half of a traditional education at 10 percent of the cost would be a bargain, albeit one at the expense of an educated society. A representative argument of college faculty against MOOCs is that “real” constructivist-style learning is impossible in an online environment. To which I can only be remind of Clarke’s First Law, that “When a distinguished but elderly scientist states that something is possible, he is almost certainly right. When he states that something is impossible, he is very probably wrong.” 




This article arises from Future Tense, a collaboration among Arizona State University, the New America Foundation, and Slate. Future Tense explores the ways emerging technologies affect society, policy, and culture. To read more, visit the Future Tense blog and the Future Tense home page. You can also follow us on Twitter.





Slate Articles



MOOCs Need to Go Back to Their Roots

Wednesday, February 27, 2013

Pope legacy: Teacher who returned to church roots

FILE – This Sept. 6, 2006 file photo shows Pope Benedict XVI wearing a “saturno hat”, inspired by the ringed planet Saturn, to shield himself from the sun as he waves to the crowd of faithful prior to his weekly general audience in St. Peter’s Square at the Vatican. (AP Photo/Pier Paolo Cito, files)

FILE – This Sept. 6, 2006 file photo shows Pope Benedict XVI wearing a “saturno hat”, inspired by the ringed planet Saturn, to shield himself from the sun as he waves to the crowd of faithful prior to his weekly general audience in St. Peter’s Square at the Vatican. (AP Photo/Pier Paolo Cito, files)

FILE – This Nov. 3, 2006 file photo shows Pope Benedict XVI’s hand as he waves to faithful from his car at the end of his visit at the Pontifical Gregorian University in Rome. (AP Photo/Gregorio Borgia, files)

FILE – Pope Benedict XVI greets the crowd from the central balcony of St. Peter’s Basilica at the Vatican, in this April 19, 2005, file photo. Joseph Ratzinger of Germany, who chose the name of Pope Benedict XVI, became the 265th pontiff of the Roman Catholic Church. (AP Photo/Domenico Stinellis/file)

Pope Benedict XVI waves to faithful during his final general audience in St.Peter’s Square at the Vatican, Wednesday, Feb. 27, 2013. Pope Benedict XVI has recalled moments of “joy and light” during his papacy but also times of great difficulty in an emotional, final general audience in St. Peter’s Square before retiring. (AP Photo/Gregorio Borgia)

Faithful are reflected in the roof of Pope Benedict XVI’s pope-mobile as he arrives to celebrate his last general audience in St. Peter’s Square, at the Vatican, Wednesday, Feb. 27, 2013. Benedict XVI basked in an emotional sendoff Wednesday at his final general audience in St. Peter’s Square, recalling moments of “joy and light” during his papacy but also times of great difficulty. He also thanked his flock for respecting his decision to retire. (AP Photo/Alessandra Tarantino)

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(AP) — On Monday, April 4, 2005, a priest walked up to the Renaissance palazzo housing the Vatican’s doctrine department and asked the doorman to call the official in charge: It was the first day of business after Pope John Paul II had died, and the cleric wanted to get back to work.

The office’s No. 2, Archbishop Angelo Amato, answered the phone and was stunned: This was no ordinary priest. It was Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, his boss, who under the Vatican’s arcane rules had technically lost his job when John Paul died.

“It tells me of the great humility of the man, the great sense of duty, but also the great awareness that we are here to do a job,” said Bishop Charles Scicluna, who worked with Ratzinger before he became Pope Benedict XVI, inside the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith.

In resigning, Scicluna said, Benedict is showing the same sense of humility, duty and service as he did after the Catholic Church lost its last pope.

“He has done his job.”

___

When Benedict flies off into retirement by helicopter on Thursday, he will leave behind a church in crisis — one beset by sex scandal, internal divisions and dwindling numbers.

But the pope can count on a solid legacy: While his very resignation was his most significant act, Benedict — in a quieter way — also set the church back on a conservative, tradition-minded path.

He was guided by the firm conviction that many of the ills afflicting the church could be traced to a misreading of the reforms of the Second Vatican Council.

He insisted that the 1962-65 meetings that brought the church into the modern era were not a radical break from the past, as portrayed by many liberals, but rather a continuation of the best traditions of the 2,000-year-old church.

Benedict was the teacher pope, a theology professor who turned his Wednesday general audiences into master classes about the Catholic faith and the history, saints and sinners that contributed to it.

In his teachings, he sought to boil Christianity down to its essential core. He didn’t produce volumes of encyclicals like his predecessor, just three: on charity, hope and love. (He penned a fourth, on faith, but retired before finishing it.)

Considered by many to be the greatest living theologian, he authored more than 65 books, stretching from the classic “Introduction to Christianity” in 1968 to the final installment of his triptych on “Jesus of Nazareth” last year — considered by some to be his most important contribution to the church. In between he produced the “Catechism of the Catholic Church” — essentially a how-to guide to being a Catholic.

Benedict spent the bulk of his early career in the classroom, as a student and then professor of dogma and fundamental theology at universities in Bonn, Muenster, Tuebingen and Regensburg, Germany.

“His classrooms were crowded,” recalled the Rev. Joseph Fessio, a theology student of Ratzinger’s at the University of Regensburg from 1972-74, and now the English-language publisher of his books.

“I don’t recall him having notes,” Fessio said. “He would stand at the front of the class, and he wasn’t looking at you, not with eye contact, but he was looking over you, almost meditating.”

It’s a style that he’s kept for 40 years.

“If you hear him give a sermon, he’s speaking not from notes, but you can write it down and print it,” Fessio said. “Every comma is there. Every pause.”

___

Benedict never wanted to be pope and he didn’t take easily to the rigors of the job. Elected April 19, 2005, after one of the shortest conclaves in history, Benedict was, at 78, the oldest pope elected in 275 years and the first German in nearly a millennium.

At first he was stiff.

Giovanni Maria Vian, editor of the Vatican newspaper L’Osservatore Romano, recalled that in the early days Benedict used to greet crowds with an awkward victory gesture “as if he were an athlete.”

“At some point someone told him that wasn’t a very papal gesture,” Vian said. Benedict changed course, opting for an open-armed embrace or an almost effeminate twinkling of his fingers on an outstretched hand as a way of connecting with the crowd.

“No one is born a pope,” Vian said. “You have to learn to be a pope.”

And slowly Benedict learned.

Crowds accustomed to a quarter-century of superstar John Paul II, grew to embrace the soft-spoken, scholarly Benedict, who had an uncanny knack for being able to absorb different points of view and pull them together in a coherent whole.

He traveled, though less extensively than John Paul, and presided over Masses that were heavy on Latin, Gregorian chant and the silk brocaded vestments of his pre-Vatican II predecessors.

Benedict seemed genuinely surprised by the warm reception he received — as well as the harsh criticism when things went wrong, as they did when he lifted the excommunication of a bishop who turned out to be a Holocaust-denier.

For a theologian who for decades had worked toward reconciliation between Catholics and Jews, the outrage was fierce and painful.

Benedict was also burdened by what he called the “filth” of the church: the sins and crimes of its priests.

As prefect of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, Benedict saw first-hand the scope of sex abuse as early as the 1980s, when he tried unsuccessfully to persuade the Vatican legal department to let him remove abusive priests quickly.

But it was 2001 before he finally stepped in, ordering all abuse cases sent to his office for review.

“We used to discuss the cases on Fridays; he used to call it the Friday penance,” recalled Scicluna, who was Ratzinger’s sex crimes prosecutor from 2002-2012.

Still, to this day, Benedict hasn’t sanctioned a single bishop for covering up abuse.

“Unfortunately, Pope Benedict’s legacy in the abuse crisis is one of mistaken emphases, missed opportunities, and gestures at the margin, rather than changes at the center,” said Terrence McKiernan of BishopAccountability.org, an online resource of abuse documentation.

He praised Benedict for meeting with victims, and acknowledged the strides the Vatican made under his leadership. But, he said Benedict ignored the problem for too long, “prioritizing concerns about dissent over the massive evidence of abuse that was pouring into his office.”

“He acted as no other pope has done when pressed or forced, but his papacy has been reactive on this central issue,” McKiernan said in an email.

Benedict also gets poor grades from liberal Catholics, who felt abandoned by a pope who seemed to roll back the clock on the modernizing reforms of Vatican II and launched a crackdown on Vatican nuns, deemed to have strayed too far from his doctrinal orthodoxy.

Some priests are now living in open rebellion with church teaching, calling for a rethink on everything from homosexuality to women’s ordination to priestly celibacy.

“As Roman Catholics worldwide prepare for the conclave, we are reminded that the current system remains an ‘old boys club’ and does not allow for women’s voices to participate in the decision of the next leader of our church,” said Erin Saiz Hanna, head of the Women’s Ordination Conference, a group that ordains women in defiance of church teaching.

The group plans to raise pink smoke during the conclave “as a prayerful reminder of the voices of the church that go unheard.”

___

But Benedict won’t be around at the Vatican to see it. His work is done. “Mission Accomplished,” Vian said.

And as the pope told 150,000 people in his final speech as pope: “To love the church is to have the courage to make difficult, painful choices, always keeping in mind the good of the church, not oneself.”

___

Follow Nicole Winfield at www.twitter.com/nwinfield

Associated Press


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Pope legacy: Teacher who returned to church roots