Democracy Now! U.S. and World News Headlines for Friday, December 13

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Democracy Now! U.S. and World News Headlines for Friday, December 13

CREDO Members: Final week to vote for Democracy Now!

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CREDO Members: Final week to vote for Democracy Now!

How Political Parties Destroyed Democracy

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How Political Parties Destroyed Democracy

How Political Parties Destroyed Democracy

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How Political Parties Destroyed Democracy

The United States vs. Bolivian democracy: Part 2; the USAID-NED-Opposition Nexus

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The United States vs. Bolivian democracy: Part 2; the USAID-NED-Opposition Nexus

Democracy Now! U.S. and World News Headlines for Monday, January 13

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Democracy Now! U.S. and World News Headlines for Monday, January 13

Democracy Now! U.S. and World News Headlines for Friday, January 3

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Democracy Now! U.S. and World News Headlines for Friday, January 3

FROM DICTATORSHIP TO DEMOCRACY by Gene Sharp - FULL AudioBook | Greatest Audio Books

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FROM DICTATORSHIP TO DEMOCRACY by Gene Sharp - FULL AudioBook | Greatest Audio Books

Democracy Now! U.S. and World News Headlines for Friday, December 6

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Democracy Now! U.S. and World News Headlines for Friday, December 6

Insight with Gene Sharp- From Dictatorship to Democracy

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Insight with Gene Sharp- From Dictatorship to Democracy

Democracy Now! U.S. and World News Headlines for Friday, September 6

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Democracy Now! U.S. and World News Headlines for Friday, September 6

Democracy Now! U.S. and World News Headlines for Thursday, November 7

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Democracy Now! U.S. and World News Headlines for Thursday, November 7

NSA spying shows democracy is ‘fiction’

NSA spying shows democracy is ‘fiction’
http://isbigbrotherwatchingyou.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/a422f__p-89EKCgBk8MZdE.gif

A political analyst praised Edward Snowden for exposing US National Security Agency’s spying programs and said the Western democracy is “a fiction.”

“The revelations show that democracy in America is a hollow concept, that democracy in fact doesn’t exist. It’s a fiction. It’s all for control and dominance,” Belgium-based Dirk Adriaensens of BRussells Tribunal said in a phone interview with Press TV on Saturday.

Dirk said that the NSA and the British Government Communication Headquarters (GCHQ) have “conducted an intentional and largely successful campaign to destroy all privacy on the Internet. And this goes against international law.”

According to the classified documents disclosed by Snowden, the GCHQ was secretly accessing millions of phone calls and electronic communications, using the NSA’s Tempora program to circumvent UK law.

The two spy agencies also committed “industrial espionage” that can be considered as “economic warfare”, Dirk continued.

He joked that it seems the NSA is the only part of the US government that “listens” to what the American people really “have to say.”

US officials including Gen. Keith Alexander, the head of the embattled NSA, have called on governments to stop journalists from public disclosure of the agency’s secret documents.

Dirk also criticized UK parliamentarians for a recent hearing they held to “criminalize Snowden without one critical question being asked by a member of parliament,” about what Snowden had actually revealed about the GCHQ’s role in NSA massive global spying.

Snowden, a former NSA contractor, is not a traitor but “a hero,” he added.

The documents disclosed over the past few months reveal a troubling picture of a spy agency that has sought and won sweeping powers to collect data on Americans and foreign nationals without anyone having full technical understanding of the process.

AN/HJ

PRESS TV RSS News

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"Democracy Died Tonight" - Big $ Wins In Wisconsin

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"Democracy Died Tonight" - Big $ Wins In Wisconsin

American Exceptionalism: Monopoly on Democracy? (RT Documentary)

American Exceptionalism: Monopoly on Democracy? (RT Documentary)
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Interview with Amy Goodman, Democracy Now

ROBERT B. REICH, Chancellor’s Professor of Public Policy at the University of California at Berkeley, was Secretary of Labor in the Clinton administration. Time Magazine named him one of the ten most effective cabinet secretaries of the twentieth century. He has written thirteen books, including the best sellers “Aftershock” and “The Work of Nations.” His latest, “Beyond Outrage,” is now out in paperback. He is also a founding editor of the American Prospect magazine and chairman of Common Cause. His new film, “Inequality for All,” will be out September 27.

Robert Reich

Interview with Amy Goodman, Democracy Now

The Moment the U.S. Ended Iran’s Brief Experiment in Democracy

The Moment the U.S. Ended Iran’s Brief Experiment in Democracy

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Posted on Aug 20, 2013

NASA/WikiMedia Commons

Mohammad Mossadegh in front of the Straight of Hormuz, as seen from the international space station.

By Robert Scheer

Sixty years ago this week, on Aug. 19, 1953, the United States, in collaboration with Britain, successfully staged a coup in Iran to overthrow democratically elected Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh that a newly declassified CIA document reveals was designed to preserve the control of Western companies over Iran’s rich oil fields.

The U.S. government at the time of the coup easily had manipulated Western media into denigrating Mossadegh as intemperate, unstable and an otherwise unreliable ally in the Cold War, but the real motivation for hijacking Iran’s history was Mossadegh’s move to nationalize Western-controlled oil assets in Iran. According to the document, part of an internal CIA report:

“The target of this policy of desperation, Mohammad Mosadeq, [sic] was neither a madman nor an emotional bundle of senility as he was so often pictured in the foreign press; however, he had become so committed to the ideals of nationalism that he did things that could not have conceivably helped his people even in the best and most altruistic of worlds. In refusing to bargain—except on his own uncompromising terms—with the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, he was in fact defying the professional politicians of the British government.  These leaders believed, with good reason, that cheap oil for Britain and high profits for the company were vital to their national interests.”

There you have it, the smoking gun declaration of the true intent to preserve high profits and cheap oil that cuts through all of the official propaganda justifying not only this sorry attempt to prevent Iranian nationalists from gaining control over their prized resources but subsequent blood-for-oil adventures in Iraq and Kuwait. The assumption is that “the best and most altruistic of worlds” is one that accommodates the demands of rapacious capitalism as represented by Western oil companies.

Tragically, the coup that overthrew Mossadegh also crushed Iran’s brief experiment in democracy and ushered in six decades of brutal dictatorship followed by religious oppression and regional instability. If Iran is a problem, as the United States persistently and loudly insists, it is a problem of our making. Mossadegh, who earned a doctorate in law from Neuchatel University in Switzerland, was not an enemy of the American people; he was an Iranian nationalist who as the CIA’s own internal report concedes was preoccupied with the well-being of his people as opposed to the profitability of Western oil interests. 

The CIA report derides the Western media’s acceptance at the time of the coup of the demonization of all actors on the world stage that fail to follow the approved script provided by the U.S. government. As the report notes, the “complete secrecy about the operation,” breached only by leaked information, made it “relatively easy for journalists to reconstruct the coup in varied but generally inaccurate accounts.”

Without conceding responsibility for misleading the media, the report says “The point that the majority of these accounts miss is a key one: the military coup that overthrew Mosadeq [sic] and his National Front cabinet was carried out under CIA direction as an act of U.S. foreign policy, conceived and approved at the highest levels of government. It was not an aggressively simplistic solution, clandestinely arrived at, but was instead an official admission that normal, rational methods of international communication and commerce had failed. TPAJAX (the operation’s codename) was entered into as a last resort.”

Parts of the formerly top secret report, an internal CIA study from the 1970s titled “The Battle for Iran,” which detailed the CIA-directed plot, have been revealed previously. But the section disclosed Monday in response to a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit brought by the National Security Archive is, as the archive’s research director Malcolm Byrne writes in Foreign Policy magazine, the first time the CIA admits to “using propaganda to undermine Mossadegh politically, inducing the shah to cooperate, bribing members of parliament, organizing the security forces, and ginning up public demonstrations.”

All of these actions were described in great detail by veteran CIA operative Kermit Roosevelt in a lengthy interview with me for the Los Angeles Times in 1979. Roosevelt is confirmed in the newly released documents as having the leading role in planning and executing the coup. In the interview, Roosevelt revealed his part for the first time, but instead of celebrating the success of the venture, he cautioned that it had set a terrible example. 

As I summarized the conversation in the story that appeared on March 29, 1979: “Roosevelt said that the success of the operation in Iran—called Project AJAX by the CIA—so inspired then-Secretary of State John Foster Dulles that Dulles wanted to duplicate it in the Congo, Guatemala, Indonesia and Egypt, where he wanted to overthrow President Gamal Abdel Nasser. Roosevelt said that he resisted these efforts and finally resigned from the CIA because of them.” 

Roosevelt, as he recounted in his memoir published five months after our interview, came away from the coup he engineered with serious concerns about the efficacy of such ventures.  But unfortunately it became the model in Vietnam, Guatemala, Cuba, Afghanistan, Nicaragua and other countries, where the full official record is apparently judged still too embarrassing for our government to declassify.

Click here to check out Robert Scheer’s book, “The Great American Stickup: How Reagan Republicans and Clinton Democrats Enriched Wall Street While Mugging Main Street.” Keep up with Robert Scheer’s latest columns, interviews, tour dates and more at www.truthdig.com/robert_scheer.

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Truthdig: Drilling Beneath the Headlines

The Moment the U.S. Ended Iran’s Brief Experiment in Democracy

Hope For Democracy in the Arab World

WASHINGTON — History tells us that revolution often triggers counterrevolution: The spontaneous, euphoric moments of liberation are eclipsed by the forces of repression — with reaction often dressed in uniform.
The counterrevolution is gathering momentum in the Arab world, two years after the uprisings that toppled rulers in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. Syria’s President Bashar al-Assad has fought back brutally to preserve his dictatorship; Egypt’s generals ousted the Muslim Brotherhood government there. The men in the tanks seem to be winning the day.

Yet I’d be surprised if the Arab revolutions were permanently stalled. The forces that are undermining dictatorial rule are embedded in technology; a society where anyone can tweet a message or post a cellphone video will have difficulty repressing its citizens indefinitely.

Two books help make sense of what’s going on in the Arab world. They describe the foundations on which a new order might be built — economic and socio-political. They’re both contrarian, in that they challenge the pessimism of the moment, when democrats seem to be on the run and demagogues are back in the saddle.

The first is “Startup Rising: The Entrepreneurial Revolution Remaking the Middle East.” It’s written by Christopher M. Schroeder, a former colleague at the Washington Post Co. and a longtime friend. Chris is a startup guy, and over the last three years he has traveled the Arab world looking for kindred spirits.

What Schroeder found will startle even the most jaded observer. Despite the turmoil of the last few years, a new generation of entrepreneurs is inventing products, getting them funded, and bringing them to market. Even the dead weight of repressive government and religious intolerance hasn’t stopped this new breed.

Schroeder offers compelling illustrations to buttress his case: He wanders around a “celebration of entrepreneurship” in Dubai and finds a Saudi woman who has designed and marketed a line of iPod accessories, a Syrian who has created a computer-animation venture and a Kuwaiti who created a mobile game application that has been downloaded by more than a million users.

These Arab startup kids may be buffeted by political events, but they are tightly connected to the global technological base that Karl Marx woodenly described as the “means of production.” Schroeder tours the business landscape like an open-air bazaar: altibbi.com is an Arab version of WebMD; souq.com is the biggest online retailer in the region with 500 employees and 8 million customers; namshi.com is an online shoe retailer, like Zappos, that sells 12,000 different styles of shoes. A third of the Arab tech startups are founded by women, says Schroeder, a figure unheard of in Silicon Valley.

The base for rapid economic growth is there, in embryo, across the Arab world. But what about a political culture of tolerance and rule of law that could allow these businesses to flourish?

Here I turn to the second book on my contrarian summer reading list. It’s called “Why Civil Resistance Works: The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict,” written by Erica Chenoweth and Maria J. Stephan. It was brought to my attention by Peter Ackerman, the founding chair of the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict.

In this study, Chenoweth and Stephan analyzed 323 resistance movements from 1900 to 2006. What they discovered was that non-violent campaigns of civil resistance (including protests, strikes and boycotts) succeeded 53 percent of the time, but violent campaigns only 26 percent. They also showed that, because of higher levels of citizen participation, nonviolent movements were 10 times more likely to lead to a democratic result.

Apply this analysis to the Arab revolutions. There’s hope for Egypt today, Ackerman argues, because the mass protest movement known as Tamarod mobilized 22 million Egyptians this spring to sign a petition demanding the recall of President Mohamed Morsi. That’s about two-thirds more people than voted for Morsi in the first place. Tamarod’s roots are in the nonviolent protest movement called Kefaya, created in 2004, which started the national mobilization that finally toppled Hosni Mubarak.

Egypt had never seen a mass nonviolent campaign like Tamarod, and it provided the backbone of popular support for the generals who ousted Morsi. This doesn’t excuse the generals’ heavy-handed tactics, but it reminds us that the open, diverse civic movement represented by Tamarod might prepare the ground for a real, working democracy in a way that the closed, conspiratorial Muslim Brotherhood couldn’t.

As for Syria and Libya, this study suggests that change agents there should embrace nonviolent resistance tactics.

There’s a riptide of counterrevolution on the Arab surface, to be sure. But these books remind us of the deeper currents in Arab economic and political life. 

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