Showing posts with label Egyptians. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Egyptians. Show all posts

Tuesday, December 3, 2013

The High Price Egyptians Pay For Opposing Their Rulers





Egypt’s Mohamed Yousef won a gold medal at the kung fu championships in Russia in October. He then put on a yellow T-shirt with a four-finger salute to express solidarity with protesters opposing Egypt’s military-backed government. Egyptian sports officials have suspended him and barred him from tournaments for a year.



Twitter via Al Arabiya News



Egypt’s Mohamed Yousef won a gold medal at the kung fu championships in Russia in October. He then put on a yellow T-shirt with a four-finger salute to express solidarity with protesters opposing Egypt’s military-backed government. Egyptian sports officials have suspended him and barred him from tournaments for a year.


Twitter via Al Arabiya News



Mohamed Yousef is a tall, handsome practitioner of kung fu. In fact he’s an Egyptian champion who recently won an international competition.


But a month ago, when he collected his gold medal at the championship in Russia, he put on a yellow T-shirt and posed for a picture of a hand holding up four fingers.


That’s the symbol of Rabaa al Adawiya, the Cairo square where Egyptian security forces opened fire in August on supporters of ousted Islamist president Mohammed Morsi. Hundreds were killed, including seven of Yousef’s friends.


“I wanted them with to be there with me,” Yousef says. “I wanted them to rejoice when I won the tournament. The least I could do was remember them. They died because they wanted to see Egypt better.”


He says the military-backed government is doing everything it can to make people forget.


Yousef paid a price for his decision that day in Russia. He was suspended from the national team, summoned home and barred from representing Egypt in future tournaments for the next year.


Some people in Egypt are calling him a traitor. And his story is not unique.


Many Have Been Punished


There are the young girls in Ismailiya who were arrested and strip-searched just for passing out yellow balloons. A soccer player who was suspended for flashing the four-fingers symbol after scoring a goal. A high school student arrested for having a ruler with that same symbol. And the list goes on.


“Any sign of Rabaa al Adawiya reminds the military of their crime,” Yousef says. “It’s a sign of solidarity and when you hold up four fingers the army won’t let it go.”





Supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood run from tear gas during clashes with riot police close to Cairo’s Rabaa al-Adawiya square on Nov. 22. Hundreds were killed in the square during a protest in August, and the opposition has adopted as its symbol the four-finger gesture shown on the man wearing the yellow T-shirt.



AFP/AFP/Getty Images



Supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood run from tear gas during clashes with riot police close to Cairo’s Rabaa al-Adawiya square on Nov. 22. Hundreds were killed in the square during a protest in August, and the opposition has adopted as its symbol the four-finger gesture shown on the man wearing the yellow T-shirt.


AFP/AFP/Getty Images



There is a battle these days over who gets to tell Egypt’s recent history. And democracy activists say Egypt’s military-backed leaders are quickly trying to rewrite it.


Since the ouster of the former president, Hosni Mubarak, in 2011, very few security forces have been convicted for killing protesters. And the memories are slowly fading for many Egyptians.


In Cairo’s Tahrir Square, the government erected a monument to honor those killed during the uprising against Mubarak. Later that night, the circular brick structure was destroyed, picked apart by angry demonstrators.


Activists say the monument insults their memories and their cause. They say police killed these protesters, the officers weren’t held accountable and now they are being celebrated as heroes.


Cleaning Up The Square


In Rabaa al Adawiya Square, all signs of the mass killing that took place there on Aug. 14 are gone. The graffiti is painted over, the mosque that was the center of the protest movement is a pristine white again. And a monument has been erected: it’s a ball surrounded by two metal structures that are supposed to represent the police and the army protecting the people.


Army tanks now secure the square.


“There’s no acknowledgement of any wrongdoing on the part of the government,” says Karim Medhat Ennarah, a criminal justice researcher at the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights.


He says police brutality has steadily gotten worse over the past three years of transition. And now, after so many Egyptians turned on The Muslim Brotherhood over its poor leadership, the police are no longer public enemy number one. And the security forces along with the military feel emboldened.


“Obviously they’re going to lie about the history of what happened in the last two years, about what their position was in it and they’re going to create their own narrative,” he says.


Every government before did the same — Mubarak’s regime, the military leadership, ousted president Mohamed Morsi. But this time, Ennarah says, the military-backed leaders have enough public support to control the story.


“Right now they can get away with it,” he says. “Right now they don’t feel public pressure.”


Muslim Brotherhood supporters have been protesting for months. More than a thousand are dead and thousands more have been detained. Now the government calls the Brotherhood “terrorists,” says they are trying to destabilize the state and that they must be crushed. The crackdown is widening to secular and leftist political activists angry over a protest law that suppresses dissent.


Sentenced To 11 Years


One of the most shocking cases recently occurred in the Mediterranean port of Alexandria.


Bishr Mohamed’s daughter Sumaya is just 18. And this week she was sentenced to 11 years and one month in prison along with 13 other young women. Why?


Because, her father says, she was near a peaceful protest where demonstrators carried the yellow poster that symbolises the mass killing of Brotherhood supporters and passed out yellow balloons.


She was convicted of joining a terrorist organization and inciting violence. On the day she was convicted, she stood in the prosecution cage with other young women, the youngest just 14.


Before her arrest on Oct. 31, she’d never spent the night outside her father’s home.


It took days to get access to Sumaya, her dad says. At one point, he was arrested as he tried to see her. When he finally did, she asked him “Are you proud of me?”


“I said, ‘Yes, of course,’” Mohamed says. “I was surprised the girls themselves were steadfast and strong. I told Sumaya, ‘Be strong, you have a cause.’”


He reflects on the arrests and the monuments in Cairo lauding the army and the police. The same police that arrested his daughter. The same police that killed protesters during the uprising against Mubarak and successive battles with demonstrators that followed. The same police that the nation now celebrates as heroes, he says.


“It’s like having the person who kills you attend your funeral,” he says.




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The High Price Egyptians Pay For Opposing Their Rulers

Saturday, August 17, 2013

Despite Violence, Many Egyptians Support Military





Egyptian army soldiers take their positions on top and next to their armored vehicles while guarding an entrance to Tahrir square in Cairo on Friday.



Hassan Ammar/AP

Egyptian army soldiers take their positions on top and next to their armored vehicles while guarding an entrance to Tahrir square in Cairo on Friday.



Egyptian army soldiers take their positions on top and next to their armored vehicles while guarding an entrance to Tahrir square in Cairo on Friday.


Hassan Ammar/AP



Egypt witnessed the bloodiest day in its modern history this week. More than 600 people were killed, most during a security crackdown on supporters of ousted president Mohamed Morsi.


And it isn’t over. Dozens more have died since, some in citizen-on-citizen violence. A standoff is going on at a central Cairo mosque. And the nation is spiraling out of control. This, as much of Egypt has little sympathy for Morsi, the Muslim Brotherhood or their supporters.


In a vibrant shopping district in central Cairo, people heap praise on Egypt’s military. The military that overthrew Morsi after millions took to the streets to demand his ouster. The military that appointed this new government. And the cabinet that ordered a crackdown so brutal that there were too many bodies for the state to process in a timely manner.


All of it is for the good of Egypt. So says Mustapha Ali, a student who sells watches at this marketplace.


The Muslim Brotherhood are terrorizing innocent people, he says. He adds that he trusts the army. The military would would never hurt Egyptians, he says.


To many here the Muslim Brotherhood is just a bunch of terrorists. The group propelled Morsi to power through elections last year, and few outside of the pro-Morsi marchers have sympathy for them. It is a narrative that’s been in part shaped by local TV channels.


On state television anchors read out the news. A constant tag in the corner is written in English: “EGYPT FIGHTING TERORRISM.”


On a privately owned pro-military channel,333 a reporter interviewed detainees overnight. More than 1,000 people have been arrested by security forces. He shoves a microphone into a scared looking Pakistani man’s face.


Why are you in Egypt? Did you go to the protests?


The man is bewildered. He answers in broken Arabic: I’m working, just for work.


It is an alarming indication of the broad social mandate for extreme use of force against the Brotherhood and its supporters. The overwhelming majority of those dead are pro-Morsi protesters. And the state blames the Brotherhood for concocting what it calls a terrorist conspiracy against the state.


Ziad Akl, is an analyst at an Egyptian think tank.


“What we’re seeing is basically how the army very much shaped the public perceptions of Egyptians,” Akl said. “On the other hand, of course, what we’re seeing is the very normal, expected result of the Muslim Brotherhood’s political attitude.”


Morsi committed human rights violations during his rule, he tried to fill the state with his own supporters and exclude others.


And the bloodbaths today, no matter how horrific, are widely accepted, Akl said.


“We will not necessarily see a civil war, but what we’re seeing right now is probably a state of social aggression that the Islamic movement has never known before in Egypt,” he says.


As the death toll mounts, the nation is fracturing and the military is firmly in power. The Brotherhood refuses to leave the streets, seeing this as a fight for its survival. And the military and police show no signs of stopping the crackdown.


Tamarrod, the youth movement that started the signature campaign that led to the military coup, is fanning the flames.


The head of the group, Mohammed Badr, spoke to a local channel.


“The Muslim Brotherhood says they’ll burn Egypt if they don’t get what they want,” Badr said. “But this country is bigger than them.”


He calls on Egyptians to protect the streets and stand with the army. Armed vigilantes are roaming neighborhoods and clashing with Muslim Brotherhood supporters. Some among the pro-Brotherhood protesters are also armed.


Tamarrod also launched a signature campaign to reject U.S. aid and cancel the peace treaty with Israel. It was spurred by the U.S. condemnation of the bloodbath on Wednesday.


Back in the marketplace in the central Cairo district of Attaba, a mile away from major clashes, Mustapha Ali is not a minority voice. Others echo the same sentiments of the student selling watches. The army is saving Egypt from terrorists.


We walk into a shop where Nasser Sh’aalaan sells women’s clothes. God help us, he says, and drops his head. He is a minority voice on the street.


Nasser says Egypt’s army shouldn’t support some Egyptians against others.


He says we don’t want Morsi or his Muslim Brotherhood and we don’t want military rule; we want someone humane.


Another man in the shop yells out, God burn the Brotherhood leaders!


Nasser accuses the man of being a remnant of the old regime. It is an argument that echoes across the country as Egyptians watch the country burn on live television.




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Despite Violence, Many Egyptians Support Military