Showing posts with label rulers. Show all posts
Showing posts with label rulers. Show all posts

Tuesday, December 3, 2013

The High Price Egyptians Pay For Opposing Their Rulers





Egypt’s Mohamed Yousef won a gold medal at the kung fu championships in Russia in October. He then put on a yellow T-shirt with a four-finger salute to express solidarity with protesters opposing Egypt’s military-backed government. Egyptian sports officials have suspended him and barred him from tournaments for a year.



Twitter via Al Arabiya News



Egypt’s Mohamed Yousef won a gold medal at the kung fu championships in Russia in October. He then put on a yellow T-shirt with a four-finger salute to express solidarity with protesters opposing Egypt’s military-backed government. Egyptian sports officials have suspended him and barred him from tournaments for a year.


Twitter via Al Arabiya News



Mohamed Yousef is a tall, handsome practitioner of kung fu. In fact he’s an Egyptian champion who recently won an international competition.


But a month ago, when he collected his gold medal at the championship in Russia, he put on a yellow T-shirt and posed for a picture of a hand holding up four fingers.


That’s the symbol of Rabaa al Adawiya, the Cairo square where Egyptian security forces opened fire in August on supporters of ousted Islamist president Mohammed Morsi. Hundreds were killed, including seven of Yousef’s friends.


“I wanted them with to be there with me,” Yousef says. “I wanted them to rejoice when I won the tournament. The least I could do was remember them. They died because they wanted to see Egypt better.”


He says the military-backed government is doing everything it can to make people forget.


Yousef paid a price for his decision that day in Russia. He was suspended from the national team, summoned home and barred from representing Egypt in future tournaments for the next year.


Some people in Egypt are calling him a traitor. And his story is not unique.


Many Have Been Punished


There are the young girls in Ismailiya who were arrested and strip-searched just for passing out yellow balloons. A soccer player who was suspended for flashing the four-fingers symbol after scoring a goal. A high school student arrested for having a ruler with that same symbol. And the list goes on.


“Any sign of Rabaa al Adawiya reminds the military of their crime,” Yousef says. “It’s a sign of solidarity and when you hold up four fingers the army won’t let it go.”





Supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood run from tear gas during clashes with riot police close to Cairo’s Rabaa al-Adawiya square on Nov. 22. Hundreds were killed in the square during a protest in August, and the opposition has adopted as its symbol the four-finger gesture shown on the man wearing the yellow T-shirt.



AFP/AFP/Getty Images



Supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood run from tear gas during clashes with riot police close to Cairo’s Rabaa al-Adawiya square on Nov. 22. Hundreds were killed in the square during a protest in August, and the opposition has adopted as its symbol the four-finger gesture shown on the man wearing the yellow T-shirt.


AFP/AFP/Getty Images



There is a battle these days over who gets to tell Egypt’s recent history. And democracy activists say Egypt’s military-backed leaders are quickly trying to rewrite it.


Since the ouster of the former president, Hosni Mubarak, in 2011, very few security forces have been convicted for killing protesters. And the memories are slowly fading for many Egyptians.


In Cairo’s Tahrir Square, the government erected a monument to honor those killed during the uprising against Mubarak. Later that night, the circular brick structure was destroyed, picked apart by angry demonstrators.


Activists say the monument insults their memories and their cause. They say police killed these protesters, the officers weren’t held accountable and now they are being celebrated as heroes.


Cleaning Up The Square


In Rabaa al Adawiya Square, all signs of the mass killing that took place there on Aug. 14 are gone. The graffiti is painted over, the mosque that was the center of the protest movement is a pristine white again. And a monument has been erected: it’s a ball surrounded by two metal structures that are supposed to represent the police and the army protecting the people.


Army tanks now secure the square.


“There’s no acknowledgement of any wrongdoing on the part of the government,” says Karim Medhat Ennarah, a criminal justice researcher at the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights.


He says police brutality has steadily gotten worse over the past three years of transition. And now, after so many Egyptians turned on The Muslim Brotherhood over its poor leadership, the police are no longer public enemy number one. And the security forces along with the military feel emboldened.


“Obviously they’re going to lie about the history of what happened in the last two years, about what their position was in it and they’re going to create their own narrative,” he says.


Every government before did the same — Mubarak’s regime, the military leadership, ousted president Mohamed Morsi. But this time, Ennarah says, the military-backed leaders have enough public support to control the story.


“Right now they can get away with it,” he says. “Right now they don’t feel public pressure.”


Muslim Brotherhood supporters have been protesting for months. More than a thousand are dead and thousands more have been detained. Now the government calls the Brotherhood “terrorists,” says they are trying to destabilize the state and that they must be crushed. The crackdown is widening to secular and leftist political activists angry over a protest law that suppresses dissent.


Sentenced To 11 Years


One of the most shocking cases recently occurred in the Mediterranean port of Alexandria.


Bishr Mohamed’s daughter Sumaya is just 18. And this week she was sentenced to 11 years and one month in prison along with 13 other young women. Why?


Because, her father says, she was near a peaceful protest where demonstrators carried the yellow poster that symbolises the mass killing of Brotherhood supporters and passed out yellow balloons.


She was convicted of joining a terrorist organization and inciting violence. On the day she was convicted, she stood in the prosecution cage with other young women, the youngest just 14.


Before her arrest on Oct. 31, she’d never spent the night outside her father’s home.


It took days to get access to Sumaya, her dad says. At one point, he was arrested as he tried to see her. When he finally did, she asked him “Are you proud of me?”


“I said, ‘Yes, of course,’” Mohamed says. “I was surprised the girls themselves were steadfast and strong. I told Sumaya, ‘Be strong, you have a cause.’”


He reflects on the arrests and the monuments in Cairo lauding the army and the police. The same police that arrested his daughter. The same police that killed protesters during the uprising against Mubarak and successive battles with demonstrators that followed. The same police that the nation now celebrates as heroes, he says.


“It’s like having the person who kills you attend your funeral,” he says.




News



The High Price Egyptians Pay For Opposing Their Rulers

Monday, August 19, 2013

Analysis: Egypt"s rulers can count on Gulf aid despite bloodshed




RIYADH | Mon Aug 19, 2013 8:23am EDT



RIYADH (Reuters) – In his full-throated cry of support for the Egyptian authorities, Saudi King Abdullah on Friday described street protests by the Muslim Brotherhood as representing “terrorism and sedition”.


That stark view of a crisis that has killed hundreds in the past week shows why the world’s top oil exporter will continue to back Egypt’s crackdown on the Brotherhood even while its Western allies try to convince the generals to back down.


When the “Arab Spring” revolts blew across the Middle East in 2011 – toppling one authoritarian president after another – the kings and emirs of the rich Gulf monarchies held on to power but were shaken as never before.


One of King Abdullah’s nephews, Mecca Governor Prince Khaled al-Faisal, decried the uprisings in a poem as a “dust storm sweeping Arab lands” in which traditional rulers had been defamed as “backward, reactionary and barbaric”.


Two years later, those same rulers now see a chance to restore the stable order that had held for generations in the region, and are determined to spend their oil billions to bring back trusted friends.


Nowhere is that more true than Egypt, long Saudi Arabia’s most powerful regional ally and whose army chief Abdul Fattah al-Sisi has close connections to the ruling family after serving as defense attaché in Riyadh.


The gulf rulers’ are alarmed by popular Islamist movements, such as the Muslim Brotherhood, which benefited most from the downfall of entrenched dictators after 2011 and which the princes see as threatening the principle of hereditary monarchy.


“Saudi strategists might see groups influenced by the Brotherhood as the only ones that could emerge to challenge their rule,” said a Saudi journalist speaking on condition he not be identified.


The Saudi stance is shared with the United Arab Emirates, which this year put on trial Islamists it suspects of plotting to overthrow the state, and on Friday praised Egypt’s army for responding to protests with “maximum self restraint”.


Only days after Egypt’s army ousted the Brotherhood’s Mohamed Mursi from the presidency on July 3, Riyadh and Abu Dhabi pledged aid of $ 8 billion. A third Gulf monarchy, Kuwait, added another $ 4 billion, which should cover Egypt’s deficit for months.


UNFLINCHING SUPPORT


Saudi princes regard the Brotherhood as an ideological competitor with an aggressively activist political doctrine that disdains Riyadh’s ties with the West and aims to introduce democracy. Riyadh accuses the Brotherhood of betraying its trust after it gave members shelter from persecution in Egypt in the 1960s, only to see them agitate for change in Saudi Arabia.


“There’s a lot of concern throughout the Gulf that the Brotherhood is attempting to infiltrate and to destabilize governments,” said Robert Jordan, former U.S. ambassador to Riyadh and now based in Dubai.


Last month Saudi security forces summoned for questioning two prominent clerics who had signed a letter condemning the Egyptian army’s seizure of power, Saudi media reported.


On Saturday, billionaire Prince Alwaleed bin Talal, another nephew of the Saudi king, sacked a Kuwaiti preacher from his top job at a religious television station he owns because of the cleric’s brotherhood ties.


The tough Saudi line is shared with the Emirates, which has no quarter for the Brotherhood.


“I don’t think the UAE will step back from giving help to Egypt according to how many are dying. They are convinced that the government is doing the right thing and defending the country from a terrorist group,” said Ibtisam al-Qitbi, a political analyst in Dubai.


Kuwait, the other Gulf kingdom to promise billions, is also wary of the Brotherhood and expelled nine Egyptian members of the group on Sunday for protesting, but its position is somewhat more nuanced than that of either Riyadh or Abu Dhabi.


Brotherhood politicians serve as opposition members of Kuwait’s parliament and have long been part of the establishment. A Foreign Ministry statement on Friday regretted the “large number of Egyptian fatalities”.


“There is a dilemma in Kuwait. The Muslim Brothers are well entrenched in the political scene and also in the government apparatus,” said Ghanem al-Najjar, professor of political science at Kuwait University.


The one rich Gulf country that did not share the Saudi-led consensus was Qatar, which backed Egypt with $ 7 billion during Mursi’s year in power.


Qatar condemned both Mursi’s removal and last week’s violence, calling on the generals to “refrain from the security option” in tackling protests.


Nevertheless, Qatar has a new ruler after its emir stepped down this year in favor of his son, and many in the Gulf believe it is stepping back from an ambitious foreign policy that saw it lavish funds on Arab Spring revolutionaries.


“THE KING DOESN’T LIKE BLOOD”


In addition to cash, which Cairo urgently needs to buy food and fuel, Gulf friends provide it with diplomatic cover. Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Saud al-Faisal, another nephew of the king, used a visit to France on Sunday to warn Western countries not to pile pressure on Cairo, saying “we will not achieve anything through threats”.


The West also viewed the Brotherhood’s rise with alarm. But Western countries were clearly hoping that democracy would force the Islamists either to adapt to popular demands for better government or be voted out of office. The absolute monarchies of the Gulf never shared that faith in popular rule.


“The Saudis are not wildly enthusiastic about the argument that the best way of getting the Egypt we all want is by having the Muslim Brotherhood lose an election,” said a diplomat in the Gulf, arguing that Riyadh supported the crackdown.


Nevertheless, the violence of the past week could bring precisely the sort of instability Riyadh was seeking to avert: “The king,” the diplomat added, “doesn’t like blood being spilled.”


The Gulf princes may have written a blank cheque for Sisi, but in return for their cash, they will be expecting the Egyptian military commander to deliver the promised stability.


“Restoring order and making sure to avoid any complications, getting security back, is the most important thing now. Then any political discussion can take place,” said Abdulaziz al-Sager, head of the private Gulf Research Centre thinktank in Jeddah.


(Reporting by Angus McDowall; Additional reporting by Sylvia Westall in Baghdad and Andrew Torchia in Dubai; Editing by Peter Graff)





Reuters: Top News



Analysis: Egypt"s rulers can count on Gulf aid despite bloodshed