Obama never kicked that door; to claim otherwise is racist!
Dear Leader, (PBUH), there is nothing he cannot do. read more … Statistics : 11 Replies || 1159 Views Last post by Tovarichi
The People’s Cube – Digest
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Palliative care is a term with which increased numbers of Americans have become familiar since 2009 with the debate and passage of the Affordable Care Act (ACA). Stated simply, it’s medical care administered as a replacement to medical treatment. It’s also key to the “death panels” Obamacare opponents predict.
Following the June 2012 U.S. Supreme Court decision upholding the new healthcare law, the Center to Advance Palliative Care issued this statement:
The Center to Advance Palliative Care is pleased that the Affordable Care Act, with its aims to expand access to quality healthcare for all Americans, will continue to positively affect healthcare delivery in the United States. With increased access to care, and the development of enhanced quality measures, more seriously ill patients and families will receive the high quality, effective care they need to reduce suffering and live longer, healthier lives. This benefit is of the utmost importance to CAPC and the field of palliative care, as the patients we treat are the sickest, most vulnerable people in our nation’s healthcare system.
A 2009 article, Obamacare: Stimulus for estate abuse?, described how disgruntled family members, wannabe heirs or unscrupulous members of the legal industry will find Obamacare helpful with Involuntary Redistribution of Assets (IRA) actions in which probate venues or instruments like wills, trusts, guardianships and powers of attorney are used to divert assets from intended heirs or beneficiaries. Palliative care was also discussed:
Palliative care, a common end-of-life care component, is defined as any form of medical care or treatment that concentrates on reducing disease symptom severity rather than striving to halt, delay, or reverse progression of the disease itself or provide a cure. The goal is to prevent and relieve suffering and to improve quality of life for people facing serious, complex illness. While used with aggressive treatment, it is also a common alternative for patients who decline prolonged, expensive efforts. Performed under the guise of government-run health care, it’s likely to become a mandated, state-sponsored doping of sick Americans deemed unsuitable for proactive medical treatment.
Elder financial abuse is frequently termed the crime of the 21st century. Estate looting and other probate abuse often fall into this category. Estate disputes frequently include allegations of undue influence with the role of medication being a common point of contention. If palliative care becomes a major tool in the government’s arsenal of health care cost-cutting measures, predators will seize this opportunity.
These concerns are now bolstered as CNS News reports how the National Institutes of Health (NIH) is “soliciting applications for federal grants worth up to $ 275,000 to research ways to provide elderly patients with ‘palliative care’ – even in hospital emergency rooms and intensive care units.”
The article explains:
Palliative care is commonly understood to mean medical treatment that focuses on relieving symptoms, including pain, instead of trying to treat or cure the underlying disease.
But researchers will not be studying the use of palliative care to relieve the suffering of dying patients. “Hospice and end-of-life settings are not included within the scope” of the Funding Opportunity Announcement (FOA), the grant notices specifically state.
Instead, they will be looking at new ways to provide elderly patients with palliative care long before they are at death’s door.
The palliative care will be provided in “a variety of settings, including ambulatory care, hospitals (and specific sites within hospitals including specialty wards, intensive care units and emergency departments), assisted living facilities, and short- and long-term care facilities.”
The federal money will be used to “advance [the] science of geriatric palliative care… in settings and at time points earlier in geriatric patients’ diseases or disability trajectories,” according to the grant notices (PA-13-354, 355 & 356).
One of the grants is categorized under NIH’s R21 Exploratory/Developmental grants, defined on the agency’s website as “novel studies that break new ground or extend previous discoveries toward new directions or applications.”
“Isolate, medicate, steal the estate” is a phrase commonly associated with IRA acts. The medicate phase offers great opportunity for the use of undue influence that can lead to late-in-life and uncharacteristic estate plan changes. Abandoning proactive medical treatments to artificially incapacitate our seniors in the name of “palliative care” will aid unscrupulous individuals in estate hijacking pursuits. Similar concerns can be raised for the disabled or younger people with terminal illness or life-threatening injuries – especially individuals attached to a significant estate as legal settlements can provide.
The Obama administration and other congressional leaders claim this new system will be better for all Americans. The federal government wants us to trust it with a plan forcing a majority of Americans to forfeit a flawed, but functioning health care system in pursuit of a plan that already is driving up insurance costs, failing to attract the young, healthy people on who its premium structure is based and prompting a move of workers to the plan as employers drop increasingly-expensive coverage.
Estate abuse and probate corruption already threaten the property rights of Americans and their heirs’ or beneficiaries’ inheritance rights. Provisions of Obamacare – specifically doping rather than treating certain population segments – will add to the problem. People get upset when such acts impact their families, but are usually clueless and largely uncaring to these threats’ widespread nature as well as the predictability of more abusive actions that Obamacare with its expansion of palliative care measures can’t help but bring.
Routine treatment of estate thefts as civil rather than criminal matters has already provided growth opportunities for the legal industry in addition to generating incentives for others desiring to divert assets from intended heirs and beneficiaries. Increased numbers of heavily-medicated, especially elderly, Americans can only fuel this expansion of activity.
The old segregationist Louisiana pol William M. Rainach would be mystified, but impressed. Back in his day in the 1950s, locking black kids into inferior schools was a simple matter of racial prejudice. He’d surely marvel that six decades later, the nation’s first African-American attorney general had found a way to do it in the name of desegregation.
Eric Holder is nothing if not creative. His Justice Department is asking a federal court to block a portion of a Louisiana voucher program that gives poor children a way out of failing public schools.
Ninety percent of the kids who use this educational lifeline are black. But Holder’s department acts as if vouchers are tantamount to Willie Rainach reaching back from the grave.
The Justice Department petition harkens back to a 40-year-old desegregation case involving state-aided white flight to private schools. That case led to a court order forbidding Louisiana from providing assistance to private schools, meant to frustrate desegregation. The document’s description of the noxiousness of past practices is quite compelling — but for the fact that it’s not 1975 anymore.
Louisiana has an Indian-American governor, Bobby Jindal, who manifestly cares about the quality of education for everyone — a sentiment that the racial obsessives at Justice evidently can’t understand.
The voucher program is available to kids from families below 250 percent of the poverty line and enrolled in schools receiving a C, D or F grade from the state (a school gets an F if fewer than half of its students are graduating or learning at grade level). The program is popular and growing, with about 8,000 students participating as of this fall, and has shown early results in improved test scores.
None of that is relevant to the Justice Department, which seeks to block the vouchers unless they’re subject to juridical pre-approval in districts under the old court order. It claims that affected schools “achieved or were close to achieving the desired degree of student racial diversity, and the loss of students through the voucher program reversed much of the progress made toward desegregation.” It alleges “irreparable injury.”
“Much” of the progress? “Irreparable” harm?
The petition cites two specific instances to support these dire warnings. It describes how five white students left Independence Elementary School in Tangipahoa Parish, thus “reinforcing the racial identity of the school as a black school.”
Education expert Jay Greene crunched the numbers and figured that — all thing being equal — the loss of these white students you can count on one hand would shift the school from 29.6 percent white to 28.9 percent white, for a total of 0.7 percentage-pioints less whiteness.
On the other hand, Cecilia Primary School lost six black students, thus “reinforcing the school’s racial identity as a white school in a predominantly black school district.” According to Greene, that would change the racial composition of the school from 30.1 percent black to 29.2 percent black, a stunning 0.9 percentage-point drop in African-American enrollment.
-
A few questions suggest themselves, such as: Who thinks this way, about schools, about life, about anything?
And: Does Eric Holder have nothing better to do?
Gov. Jindal wrote an op-ed the other day arguing that race is the most soulless way to think about people. Holder should be forced to commit it to memory.
Even on his own bean-counting terms, Holder is wrong. A review of the research literature by the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice notes that almost every empirical study finds “that school choice moves students from more segregated schools into less segregated schools.” Since the advent of a voucher program in Milwaukee, the city’s private schools are only 35 percent white, whereas they used to be 75 percent white.
At the end of the day, the federal enmity to school choice is driven less by racial justice than by the teachers unions, whose answer to poor kids stuck in rotten public schools is always simple and direct: “Stay.”
Rich Lowry is the editor of National Review.
The old segregationist Louisiana pol William M. Rainach would be mystified, but impressed. Back in his day in the 1950s, locking black kids into inferior schools was a simple matter of racial prejudice. He’d surely marvel that six decades later, the nation’s first African-American attorney general had found a way to do it in the name of desegregation.
Eric Holder is nothing if not creative. His Justice Department is asking a federal court to block a portion of a Louisiana voucher program that gives poor children a way out of failing public schools.
Ninety percent of the kids who use this educational lifeline are black. But Holder’s department acts as if vouchers are tantamount to Willie Rainach reaching back from the grave.
The Justice Department petition harkens back to a 40-year-old desegregation case involving state-aided white flight to private schools. That case led to a court order forbidding Louisiana from providing assistance to private schools, meant to frustrate desegregation. The document’s description of the noxiousness of past practices is quite compelling — but for the fact that it’s not 1975 anymore.
Louisiana has an Indian-American governor, Bobby Jindal, who manifestly cares about the quality of education for everyone — a sentiment that the racial obsessives at Justice evidently can’t understand.
The voucher program is available to kids from families below 250 percent of the poverty line and enrolled in schools receiving a C, D or F grade from the state (a school gets an F if fewer than half of its students are graduating or learning at grade level). The program is popular and growing, with about 8,000 students participating as of this fall, and has shown early results in improved test scores.
None of that is relevant to the Justice Department, which seeks to block the vouchers unless they’re subject to juridical pre-approval in districts under the old court order. It claims that affected schools “achieved or were close to achieving the desired degree of student racial diversity, and the loss of students through the voucher program reversed much of the progress made toward desegregation.” It alleges “irreparable injury.”
“Much” of the progress? “Irreparable” harm?
The petition cites two specific instances to support these dire warnings. It describes how five white students left Independence Elementary School in Tangipahoa Parish, thus “reinforcing the racial identity of the school as a black school.”
Education expert Jay Greene crunched the numbers and figured that — all thing being equal — the loss of these white students you can count on one hand would shift the school from 29.6 percent white to 28.9 percent white, for a total of 0.7 percentage-pioints less whiteness.
On the other hand, Cecilia Primary School lost six black students, thus “reinforcing the school’s racial identity as a white school in a predominantly black school district.” According to Greene, that would change the racial composition of the school from 30.1 percent black to 29.2 percent black, a stunning 0.9 percentage-point drop in African-American enrollment.
-
A few questions suggest themselves, such as: Who thinks this way, about schools, about life, about anything?
And: Does Eric Holder have nothing better to do?
Gov. Jindal wrote an op-ed the other day arguing that race is the most soulless way to think about people. Holder should be forced to commit it to memory.
Even on his own bean-counting terms, Holder is wrong. A review of the research literature by the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice notes that almost every empirical study finds “that school choice moves students from more segregated schools into less segregated schools.” Since the advent of a voucher program in Milwaukee, the city’s private schools are only 35 percent white, whereas they used to be 75 percent white.
At the end of the day, the federal enmity to school choice is driven less by racial justice than by the teachers unions, whose answer to poor kids stuck in rotten public schools is always simple and direct: “Stay.”
Rich Lowry is the editor of National Review.
