Showing posts with label lessons. Show all posts
Showing posts with label lessons. Show all posts

Wednesday, April 2, 2014

Charles Keating and the Lessons of the Savings and Loan Crisis

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Charles Keating and the Lessons of the Savings and Loan Crisis

Saturday, March 15, 2014

Life Lessons from the NYC Subway

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Life Lessons from the NYC Subway

Friday, December 6, 2013

Lessons I Learned Along the Way: Do Not Throw People Away

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Lessons I Learned Along the Way: Do Not Throw People Away

Monday, November 11, 2013

LISTEN: Lessons on Veteran’s Day


Happy Veteran’s Day to everybody out there who’s ever served in the military, says Neal Boortz. In this clip, Boortz lists examples of issues that have happened to children in homes and in school – he asks, is this how you were raised?



Neal Boortz is a former attorney, a talk show host and a New York Times best-selling author. Follow him on Twitter @Talkmaster




Rare



LISTEN: Lessons on Veteran’s Day

Sunday, October 27, 2013

A few lessons for ObamaCare


We used to do great things in the US. Families crossed North America on wagons and settled the West.  We fought and won World War II. We put a man on the moon. 


And the government used to build canals, such as The Erie Canal in 1825:


“New York legislators became interested in the possibility of building a canal across New York in the first decade of the 19th century. Shipping goods west from Albany was a costly and tedious affair; there was no railroad yet, and to cover the distance from Buffalo to New York City by stagecoach took two weeks. Governor Clinton enthusiastically took up the proposal to build a canal from Buffalo, on the eastern point of Lake Erie, to Albany, on the upper Hudson, passing through the gap in the mountains in the Mohawk Valley region. By 1817, he had convinced the legislature to authorize the expenditure of $ 7 million for the construction of a canal that he proposed would be 363 miles long, 40 feet wide, and four feet deep.  


Work began on “Clinton’s Ditch” in August 1823. Teams of oxen plowed the ground, but for the most part the work was done by Irish diggers who had to rely on primitive tools. They were paid $ 10 a month, and barrels of whisky were placed along the canal route as encouragement. West of Troy, 83 canal locks were built to accommodate the 500-foot rise in elevation. After more than two years of digging, the 425-mile Erie Canal was opened on October 26, 1825, by Governor Clinton.  


As Clinton left Buffalo in the Seneca Chief, an ingenious method of communication was used to inform New York City of the historic occasion. Cannons were arranged along the length of the canal and the river, each within hearing distance of the next cannon. As the governor began his trip, the first cannon was fired, signaling the next to fire. Within 81 minutes, the word was relayed to New York–it was the fastest communication the world had ever known. After arriving in New York on September 4, Clinton ceremoniously emptied a barrel of Lake Erie water in the Atlantic Ocean, consummating the “Marriage of the Waters” of the Great Lakes and the Atlantic.  


The effect of the canal was immediate and dramatic. Settlers poured into western New York, OhioMichiganIllinois, and Wisconsin. Goods were transported at one-tenth the previous fee in less than half the previous time. Barge loads of farm produce and raw materials traveled east as manufactured goods and supplies flowed west. In nine years, tolls had paid back the cost of construction. Later enlarged and deepened, the canal survived competition from the railroads in the latter part of the 19th century.


Today, the Erie Canal is used mostly by pleasure boaters, but it is still capable of accommodating heavy barges.”



I am not suggesting that everything was perfect in the past.  At the same time, we used to get things done.  My guess is these prior success stories had two things that the ObamaCare web site did not have:


1) A clear objective and timetable; and,


2) Someone in charge or accountable, such as the aforementioned Governor Clinton of New York who was committed to getting it done.


The building of The Erie Canal did not suffer from mindless political correctness, either.  We have too much of that PC nonsense too!


 


P. S. You can hear my chat with George Rodriguez who worked for Secretary Jack Kemp in the Bush administration & follow me on Twitter @ scantojr.




American Thinker Blog



A few lessons for ObamaCare

Wednesday, September 11, 2013

Lessons From Libya On How To Destroy Chemical Weapons





President George W. Bush receives a tour of nuclear material surrendered by Libya and flown to the Oak Ridge National Laboratory, a U.S. facility in Oak Ridge, Tenn., on July 12, 2004.



Tim Sloan/AFP/Getty Images

President George W. Bush receives a tour of nuclear material surrendered by Libya and flown to the Oak Ridge National Laboratory, a U.S. facility in Oak Ridge, Tenn., on July 12, 2004.



President George W. Bush receives a tour of nuclear material surrendered by Libya and flown to the Oak Ridge National Laboratory, a U.S. facility in Oak Ridge, Tenn., on July 12, 2004.


Tim Sloan/AFP/Getty Images



When the U.S. invaded Iraq in 2003, one of the broader goals was to send a strong deterrent message to other dictators who might have weapons of mass destruction (even if Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein didn’t).


Recent events in Syria show that President Bashar Assad didn’t heed the warning. But Libya’s Moammar Gadhafi did.


Apparently fearing he might be next on the U.S. list of doomed dictators, Gadhafi stepped forward in December 2003 and announced he was giving up the country’s substantial stocks of chemical weapons. He also agreed to disband a nuclear program that was still at a relatively modest level.


U.N. teams were sent in and dismantled Libyan facilities on site. Components from the nuclear plants were flown to a U.S. nuclear facility in Oak Ridge, Tenn., and destroyed there.


This entire operation received limited attention at the time and was overshadowed by the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. But it has suddenly become relevant given Syria’s apparent willingness to relinquish chemical weapons that it never explicitly acknowledged having in the past.


It Isn’t Quick Or Easy


Lesson No. 1 is that dismantling a chemical weapons program is a laborious process, even when a country like Libya is cooperating and is at peace, as Libya was at the time.


After years of work, the Libyan arsenal was still being taken apart when an uprising against Gadhafi broke out in early 2011. This forced the U.N. inspection unit, the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, to suspend its efforts.


In November 2011, shortly after Gadhafi was ousted and killed, the interim government that replaced him announced it had found a “previously undeclared chemical weapons stockpile” that included several hundred munitions loaded with mustard gas, Foreign Policy reported.


“The destruction of those weapons was halted because of a technical malfunction at the disposal facility and is still not complete. Nine years after vowing to get rid of its weapons, Libya has destroyed barely half of its total mustard gas stockpile and just 40 percent of its stores of chemical weapons precursor elements,” Foreign Policy noted.


After Gadhafi gave up his weapons, he was rewarded with better relations with the West. However, he felt he received far less than he was promised, and he was ultimately ousted in a NATO bombing campaign that greatly helped the rebels fighting him.


Reviewing Gadhafi’s experience, dictators may see it as a reason to cling to, rather than give up, weapons of mass destruction.


Syria’s Stockpile


Syria’s chemical weapons program would likely be even harder to take apart than Libya’s. Syria is embroiled in civil war, it’s stockpile is believed to be much larger than Libya’s, and it’s production and storage facilities are believed to be scattered among dozens of sites round the country.


“The known sites are actually in zones of conflict where the battle lines are changing literally on a day-to-day basis,” Amy Smithson, a chemical weapons expert at the Monterey Institute of International Studies, told Morning Edition.


To further complicate matters, the Syrian government keeps moving the chemical weapons around, Gen. Martin Dempsey, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said earlier this year.


The Pentagon has estimated that it would take 75,000 U.S. troops in Syria to take full control of the country’s chemical weapons. By comparison, the U.S. has 60,000 troops in all of Afghanistan. And President Obama, in his speech to the nation on Tuesday evening, reiterated he will not send American forces into Syria.


“None of this is mission impossible. But it is certainly not easy. It isn’t quick and it requires a lot of transparency and cooperation,” Anthony Cordesman, a defense analyst at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, told Morning Edition.


Syria has one of the world’s largest chemical weapons arsenals, which includes traditional chemical agents, such as mustard gas, and more modern agents, such as sarin, and persistent nerve agents, such as VX, according to the International Center for Counter-Terrorism, which is based in Israel.


“Syria has accumulated since the 1980s a stockpile of approximately 1,000 tons of chemical weapons, stored in some 50 different cities, mostly located in the northern part of the country close to the Turkish border,” the group added in a report released this week.


This has set off alarm bells, raising worries that the Syrian government could lose control of the arsenal. However, the center noted that it would probably be difficult for non-experts to use the Syrian weapons. Most of Syria’s chemical weapons are “stored as two separate ingredients that must be combined before lethal use, making it hard for its detonation by non-professional elements.”


Syria’s Secrecy


Until recently, Syria had never acknowledged possessing chemical weapons. Syria now admits having them, yet denies using them. The U.S. and others say Syrian government forces have unleashed the weapons on multiple occasions, including an Aug. 21 attack near Damascus that killed more than 1,400 people.


U.N. weapons inspectors happened to be in Syria on Aug. 21 to investigate reports of chemical weapons attacks months earlier. When the inspectors asked to visit the Damascus sites, the Assad government resisted for four days before granting permission.


The historic secrecy surrounding the program raises doubts about how forthcoming Syria might be if the United Nations were to ask for a full accounting of its chemical weapons program, as Russia, Syria’s ally, has proposed.


“There are a lot of complications in this proposal,” said Smithson of the Monterey Institute. “Assad has not told the truth about his chemical arsenal. He has already interfered with inspections. So to assume the declaration that the Assad government would be making is going to be accurate is really to take a leap of faith.”




News



Lessons From Libya On How To Destroy Chemical Weapons

Saturday, August 31, 2013

From Suez to Iraq, the lessons of our past cast a long shadow over Syria | Peter Beaumont


Public opinion, like old generals, is always preparing to fight the last war


When it turns its attention to thinking about conflict, politics – and public opinion – is an oddly backwards process. Journalists and other analysts tend to look for guidance on future developments from past events. Egypt is compared to Algeria in the runup to the civil war; Syria to the Balkans.


History and experience act as a filter that can distort as much as elucidate. It is largely forgotten now, overlooked in the one-line description of Tony Blair and George W Bush as the men who lied about Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction, but there was a wider context to their conviction. Many spies, politicians and military men believed that the Iraqi dictator held such weapons, because their experience of Saddam’s use of poison gas in Halabja and during the Iran-Iraq war, and his headlong pursuit of weapons of mass destruction technologies, made it inconceivable that he might disarm.


Because they thought that he must be hiding something, there was a built-in confirmation bias to the hunt for what they believed was hidden.


Iraq, Afghanistan and Libya have shown how badly military interventions can go wrong. After a decade of pointless, counterproductive wars, the public and politics in the western countries involved are sick of war, dubious of the promises made for humanitarian intervention.


And what we have forgotten is where the doctrine of the “responsibility to protect” came from – not from the often shabby little wars of the 2000s but from real humanitarian catastrophes where intervention was late or absent and genocidal acts took place – in Rwanda and in Bosnia.


The Syrian conflict confirms many of our prejudices. For those on the left opposed to intervention, who see any military strike as rash and illegal, it appears to provide the pretext for the latest in a long series of attacks on Muslim and Arab countries, led by an overreaching US, a willfully selective and hypocritical affair.


For those who believe in intervention on humanitarian grounds, the case is made equally strongly. A country disintegrates, 100,000 people die, poison gas appears to have been deployed and the burden of the worst atrocities seems to fall on the country’s dictatorial regime.


If it’s easy for those with set ideological ideas about how the world works to come to their conclusions, Syria is less easy to interpret for those of us who want to try to see it not as a reflection of something else, but for what it is – a horrible conflict that in many ways demands a forceful response, but where any such response is so fraught with risk as to make it difficult to contemplate.


The question then – as put by the always thoughtful veteran journalist Robin Lustig on Friday – is this: “Is doing nothing really an option?” Clearly, it is, but then another question immediately follows: is there any point, any further escalation in horror, at which doing nothing will no longer be an option? What if there’s another chemical weapons attack, in which 5,000 people are killed? 10,000 killed? Is there anywhere you would draw a red line? Might MPs have cause to regret their vote in the weeks and months to come?”


In a way the difficulty is that when we make judgments such as this we cannot separate ourselves from the prevailing mood. For societies, the experience of war alters the assumptions that guide how we consider the risk involved. Like a kind of psychotropic drug, it alters political and cultural perceptions. Looking at Syria we can’t help but see it through the filter of Iraq, through a mood of sharpened scepticism of the media, politics and intelligence agencies.


In some ways it has always been thus. The old military maxim about generals always preparing to fight the last war, has been echoed in the cycles of public opinion in the past century.


The terrible cost of the first world war saw a rise in interest in pacifism, which by the 1930s saw a significant faction in the Labour party around George Lansbury, who opposed rearmament, and who led the party until being replaced by Clement Atlee in 1935. It was a mood music that fed into Neville Chamberlain’s desire for appeasement. To avoid war. To negotiate a settlement.


Britain’s role in the second world war, and the heroic narrative that took shape around that victory, permitted the UK to ignore its declining international role and to behave with the swagger of an imperial power.


If there is a flip side to this kind of imperial hubris, it is over the long shadow cast by conflicts that either are wrong or come at too high a price in the modern era. Events such as Suez, the French defeat at Dien Bien Phu, the US experience in Vietnam and, later, Somalia, all cast the same long shadow.


To answer Lustig’s question – at which point do we change our minds? – history, that unreliable guide to the future, suggests it is often when we are taken by surprise. US isolationism in the 1930s largely imploded with Pearl Harbour, echoing a similar trend in the UK.


All we can really say today is that the vote in parliament finally internalised all the lessons of Iraq for Britain’s political classes. For Syria, poor bleeding Syria, the past and present are awful. Its future and how the international community might have to respond – despite the acres of predictions in the past few days – remains unwritten.





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From Suez to Iraq, the lessons of our past cast a long shadow over Syria | Peter Beaumont