Showing posts with label Religious. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Religious. Show all posts

Sunday, March 30, 2014

To Train Up a Child -- Religious Conservatives and the Struggle over Schooling


Feb. 05, 2002 Speakers discuss the movement of conservative Christians — popularly known as the Religious Right — to bring about sweeping changes in Americ…
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To Train Up a Child -- Religious Conservatives and the Struggle over Schooling

Tuesday, March 25, 2014

MSNBC"s Joy Reid: Religious Freedom Could Be Used To Exclude Women From The Workplace





JOY-ANN REID, MSNBC HOST: However, a business, a corporation you form, is separate from yourself, meaning that if your corporation, for instance, were to violate one of the Ten Commandments, if it were to covet another corporation’s products or if it was to steal another corporation’s patent, it could not suffer the wrath of God, right? So how is it possible for a corporation to somehow violate the religious tenants of its faith if it is not a person and doesn’t have a soul?


LORI WINDHAM, BECKET FUND FOR RELIGIOUS LIBERTY: Well, you know, I think that really gets into a theological family. The Green family believes that they are going to be responsible to God and that they have to answer to God for the things that they do through their family businesses. And so for them, it’s not as simple as saying, ‘Oh, well, the corporation’s doing it, it’s okay. And I think that many Americans would really pull back from the idea that, hey, if I’m just doing this as part of a corporation, if I’m just doing this as part of my job, I don’t have any moral agency here. I think that’s a very difficult argument to make.


REID: Except that Christians who own businesses, let’s say lay people off around Christmastime, right? People do things all the time, that they may personally find morally sort of questionable, but they do them for the business. People lay people off at christmastime.


WINDHAM: I think that what we want to encourage here in the U.S. is people who are willing to have social consciences and who are willing to consider their beliefs in the way they run their business. That’s what the Green family has done. They have raised their minimum wage, every year for the last five years. They’re now nearly double the federal minimum wage, because they said, ‘You know what, that’s the right thing to do.’ I think that’s the kind of behavior we want to encourage rather than discourage.


REID: Let me ask you about another business that thinks that the federal minimum wage is usury and they don’t want to comply with federal minimum wage laws because it violates their religious tenants. Or what if you had another business whose owners believe that women’s place is in the home, so therefore they don’t feel they should be compelled to consider women for employment?


WINDHAM: You know, we’ve heard all of these wild hypotheticals and I think Congress has already answered that with the Religious Freedom Restoration Act. What they’ve said is, when there’s a compelling government reason, like protecting the minimum wage or stopping discrimination or protecting life, that the government can win in those cases.


The question isn’t who gets to exercise the rights. The question is, how strong is the government’s interests? Here, the government’s interest is really weak, because they have already exempted plans covering tens of millions of Americans from this same mandate. So how can they exempt so many millions of plans on one hand and yet fine the green family on the other?




RealClearPolitics Video Log



MSNBC"s Joy Reid: Religious Freedom Could Be Used To Exclude Women From The Workplace

Sunday, March 9, 2014

The South"s Battered Psyche: 8 Trends of Bad Health, Gun Violence, Religious Fervor, and Poverty

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The South"s Battered Psyche: 8 Trends of Bad Health, Gun Violence, Religious Fervor, and Poverty

The South"s Battered Psyche: 8 Trends of Bad Health, Gun Violence, Religious Fervor, and Poverty

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The South"s Battered Psyche: 8 Trends of Bad Health, Gun Violence, Religious Fervor, and Poverty

Sunday, March 2, 2014

"FOX News Sunday" Panel: Crisis In Ukraine, Religious Freedom Vs. Gay Rights


“FOX News Sunday” Panel: Crisis In Ukraine, Religious Freedom Vs. Gay Rights


The Fox News Sunday Panel weighs in on the impact of the Russian military movement towards Ukraine and Jan Brewer’s veto of a bill deemed “anti-gay.”




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"FOX News Sunday" Panel: Crisis In Ukraine, Religious Freedom Vs. Gay Rights

Sunday, January 19, 2014

Religious Conservatives Crying over Gay Marriage - "Who Cares?"

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Religious Conservatives Crying over Gay Marriage - "Who Cares?"

Thursday, January 16, 2014

Religious Idiots Arrogantly Fumble Christmas Facts


On Tuesday afternoon, the Fox News-led War on Christmas™ made its way into the studios of Fox News itself, with Gretchen Carlson, Catholic League president B…



Religious Idiots Arrogantly Fumble Christmas Facts

Wednesday, January 8, 2014

TYT Network Reports - Religious Communities Increase Risk Of Deadly Outbreaks

At Not Just The News, the privacy of our visitors is of extreme importance to us (See this article to learn more about Privacy Policies.). This privacy policy document outlines the types of personal information is received and collected by Not Just The News and how it is used.


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TYT Network Reports - Religious Communities Increase Risk Of Deadly Outbreaks

Thursday, December 26, 2013

Central African Republic conflict is political, not religious





BANGUI (Reuters) — Mariam watched in horror as militiamen burst through the gate of her home in Central African Republic’s capital Bangui and demanded her husband say whether he was Muslim. When he said yes, they shot him dead.


“They killed him just like that in front of our child,” said Mariam, who fled through the back door. “Then they hacked and clubbed our neighbors, a husband and wife, to death.”


The two-day frenzy of violence in Bangui this month — in which militia killed 1,000 people, according to Amnesty International — fed fears that Central African Republic was about to descend into religious warfare on a scale comparable to Rwanda’s 1994 genocide.


The slaughter — a response to months of atrocities by mostly Muslim fighters from the Seleka rebel group who seized power in March — prompted France to immediately deploy 1,600 troops under a U.N. mandate to protect civilians.


Religious leaders had sounded the alarm over abuses by the Seleka after they burned churches, looted and killed during their southward march on the capital early this year. The violence has displaced some 700,000 people so far.


Many in the country insist that the origins of the bloodshed have little to do with religion, in a nation where Muslims and Christians have long lived in peace. Instead, they blame a political battle for control over resources in one of Africa‘s weakest-governed states, split along ethnic faultlines and worsened by foreign meddling.


“We carried out these attacks because we have been invaded by foreigners by Chad and Sudan,” said Hercule Bokoe, a member of the militia, known as “anti-machete” and set up for self defense before the Seleka rebels arrived. He said his group’s aim was purely political: it would fight on until Seleka leader Michel Djotodia, installed as interim president, left power.


“We said to ourselves that the country cannot continue to be held hostage by foreigners,” Bokoe told Reuters.


“POLITICAL CONFLICT”


Rich in diamonds, timber, gold, uranium and even oil, Central African Republic has been racked by five coups and numerous rebellions since independence from France in 1960 as different groups fought for control of state resources.


That — and spillover from conflicts in neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo, Sudan and Chad — have destroyed the rule of law, leaving a phantom state with an ill-disciplined army, corrupt administration and a lawless interior.


Djotodia and other Seleka leaders launched their uprising to gain access for northern peoples to resource wealth — particularly oil being exploited in their northern homeland by the China National Petroleum Corporation.


Djotodia says his northern Gula tribespeople — Muslim pastoralists neglected both under French colonial rule and post-independence governments — were betrayed by former President Francis Bozize, who sought their aid for a 2003 coup but surrounded himself with his Gbaya tribe once in power.


With support from battle-hardened Chadian and Sudanese fighters, many of them also Gulas, Seleka swept southward, overrunning not only Bozize’s poorly equipped troops but also a South African peacekeeping force in March.


Once in Bangui, unable to speak French or the local Sango language, Seleka fighters sought out Arabic-speaking Muslims and stayed with them, often hoarding looted goods in their homes.


Non-Muslims equated this with complicity, said Archbishop of Bangui Diedonne Nzapalainga, with the devastating effects seen in the early December violence.


“To non-Muslim locals, Muslim now equals Seleka and Seleka equals Muslim,” said Nzapalainga, who for months has worked with Muslim clerics to try to calm rising religious tensions. “We came out early and declared that this conflict was not a religious conflict but a political one.”


“CHAD IS THE MASTER”


Djotodia, 64, waged an unsuccessful uprising against Bozize in the late 2000s using a network of Sudanese and Chadian support he had established during his time as consul in Nyala in Sudan’s southern Darfur region earlier that decade.


But a rift between Bozize and his main military backer, Chadian President Idriss Deby, shifted the balance of power in Djotodia’s favour. Deby, who had helped install Bozize as president in the 2003 coup, withdrew his Chadian presidential guard last year.


Witnesses said Chadian peacekeepers simply stood aside when Seleka troops — led by a former member of Deby’s own presidential bodyguard — marched on Bangui. As Bozize’s replacement in the presidential palace, it is now Djotodia who enjoys the protection of Chadian bodyguards.


Many in the capital say ethnic ties between the Seleka and Chadian soldiers participating in a 3,700-strong African Union peacekeeping mission (MISCA) are complicating efforts to resolve the crisis.


Residents in Bangui have accused Chadian troops of supplying Seleka fighters, turning a blind eye to their activities, and even attacking Christians themselves. Olivier Domanga, a resident of northern Bangui, said Chadian troops distributed dozens of weapons to Muslim inhabitants of his neighborhood.


“Chad is the master of Seleka and Seleka is its attack dog,” said Philomon Dounia, another Bangui resident.


Chad says its peacekeepers are neutral and denies supporting Seleka or distributing weapons to Muslims.


After opposition politicians and civil society activists demanded the Chadians’ withdrawal, MISCA’s commanding officer, Cameroon’s Martin Tumenta Chomu, said on Tuesday they would be moved outside the capital to northern Central African Republic.


WORST EVER LOOTING


Even in a country inured to rebellions, Seleka’s atrocities have proved shocking. It has been exacerbated the lack of a command structure in the loose coalition, whose name means ‘alliance’ in Sango. Warlords carved up territory where they had the power of life and death as they sought to extort money, particularly from non-Muslims.


Acknowledging he was powerless to control the fighters in a country the area of France, Djotodia announced the official dissolution and disarmament of Seleka following outcry from the international community, but this had little effect.


As Seleka torched villages and massacred entire populations, the “anti-machete”, or “anti-balaka” — initially local militias paid to defend crops and cattle against robbers and highwaymen due to the absence of state security — began seeking revenge.


According to local animist beliefs, members of the militia have magical powers that protect them, and amulets they wear make them invincible.


“The anti-balaka have nothing to do with the church or Christianity. Calling them a Christian militia is wrong,” said Nzapalainga, who said the ranks of the militia were swollen by people who had lost belongings or loved ones to Seleka.


“To them, it is revenge. I have heard people say this is the ‘return match’,” he said.


Louisa Lombard, an anthropologist specializing in Central Africa Republic, said tensions between Muslims and Christians had increased over the past decade but this was due largely to the success of Muslim traders with contacts in Chad and Sudan, rather than a rise of religious extremism.


“It is more an issue of the Muslims being considered foreigners by the Christians,” she said.


Despite these tensions, many Central Africans are proud of their tolerance and tradition of cohabitation and inter-marriage.


Imam Oumar Kobine Layama, leader of the country’s Muslims, was offered refuge at St. Paul’s church in Bangui by Nzapalainga after his family was threatened. In the capital’s northern PK5 neighborhood, Muslim youths guarded the St. Mathias Catholic church and protected Christians.


Helen Tofio, one of 40,000 people who fled to Bangui airport to seek safety near a French camp, voiced concern that ongoing tit-for-tat violence would sow the seeds of religious strife.


“We used to live in harmony with Muslims before the arrival of the Seleka,” she said. “But their abuses, and the attitude of some Muslims who seem to be supporting them, have given rise increasingly to religious conflict.”


(Editing by Daniel Flynn and Peter Graff)


http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/news/regions/africa/131226/central-african-republic-conflict-political-not-religious




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Central African Republic conflict is political, not religious

Wednesday, December 4, 2013

Eliane Coates — Buddhist Monks In Myanmar: Driving Religious Intolerance And Hindering Reform

by ELAINE COATES for EURASIA REVIEW on DECEMBER 3, 2013: 


map courtesy of slashnews.co.uk

map courtesy of slashnews.co.uk



TWO HUNDRED Buddhist monks took to the streets of Yangon on 12 November 2013 to protest the visit of a high-level delegation of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). The delegation, comprising the OIC Secretary-General and senior ministers of seven member states – Indonesia, Malaysia, Bangladesh, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Djibouti and Egypt – were met by demonstrations against the world’s largest Islamic bloc. Echoing those of 2012, the demonstrations were led by Buddhist monks demanding that the OIC not get involved in Myanmar’s internal affairs.


The delegation, which was to review the situation of Muslims in Myanmar, came almost 18 months after violence broke out in the western Rakhine state between Muslim Rohingya and Buddhists in June 2012, which developed into widespread clashes all over Myanmar, resulting in the death of 240 persons and the displacement of 240,000 people – the majority being Rohingya Muslims.


FULL ARTICLE


Eliane Coates is a Senior Analyst at the Centre of Excellence for National Security (CENS), a constituent unit of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University, in Singapore.



ISLAMiCommentary



Eliane Coates — Buddhist Monks In Myanmar: Driving Religious Intolerance And Hindering Reform

Thursday, September 19, 2013

Holy Freeloading! 10 Ways Religious Groups Suck on the Public Purse



Religion is big business, especially with the help of your tax dollars.








Have you ever thought about starting a new religion or perhaps a hometown franchise of an old one? Perhaps you’re just looking for a career ladder in a religious enterprise that already exists. No? Maybe you should.


Religion is big business. There are lots of options (over 30,000 variants of Christianity alone), and if the scale is right it can pay really, really well. Creflo Dollar, founder of World Changers Church, has an estimated net worth of $ 27 million. Benny Hinn comes in at $ 42 million. Squeaky clean tent revival pioneer Billy Graham bankrolled around $ 25 million. Even Eddie Long who has been plagued by accusations of sex with underage male members of his congregation can count his bankbook in the millions.


You say you don’t have star power? No worries. Millions of ordinary ministers, priests, missionaries, religious hospital administrators and other church employees earn solid middle- or upper-middle-class incomes in the God business. The pay is good, and for most positions it doesn’t matter what race you are or what grade you happened to get in chemistry.


That said, starting or expanding a religious enterprise doesn’t come cheap, even in an established religion that transforms ordinary members into volunteer outreach staff. Christianity spends an estimated $ 16 billion annually on the kind of marketing-service blend traditionally called “missionary work.”


Missionary work may include disaster relief or education with recruiting in the mix. An earthquake survivor might receive a solar-powered Bible to go with his rice and beans and sutures. A Hindu child might get free schooling, pencils and paper included, along with the message that the gods his parents worship are actually demons. Among people who are less desperate, the offerings can be more nuanced and less expensive. For example, a lonely student might get offered kindness and dinner by someone who is paid to live near campus as a friendship missionary. Sometimes mention of heaven or hell is all the enticement needed, though even then there may be costs associated with print materials and distribution. Soldiers in Iraq gave out Jesus coins and a little cartoon bookshowing that when an IED killed a Muslim, he or she went to hell, a fate that could be averted by conversion.


The cost of rice, beans, medical supplies, pencils, swag, facilities and salaries can add up. Fortunately, some of religion’s bigger players have gotten creative in recent years. They’ve figured out how to pay for at least part of their growth on the public dime. Having taxpayers cover a portion your costs, even overhead or infrastructure, drives up your margin. It may actually make the difference between a religious enterprise that is a fiscal black hole and one that is lucrative. So, whether you’re thinking about positioning within a small religion or large, one that’s new or one that’s well established, it’s worth taking a look at these ten examples to see if there’s something you can borrow. 


1. Fund your religion classes with school vouchers, tuition tax credits or capital grants. If your religion has or can open accredited private schools, public funding prospects are growing rapidly. Thirteen states created or expanded voucher programs in 2013, accelerating a trend from recent years. Vouchers allow parents to divert their children and tax dollars away from public schools and into private institutions, which then have wide religious latitude. Such a school can include classes in which children memorize sacred texts, for example, but also can infuse a religious perspective into classes as diverse as literature, history, and computer science. The opportunities aren’t limited to grade schools. In New Jersey, an Orthodox Jewish yeshiva is slated for $ 10.6 million in higher education grants to improve its male-only training in “Talmudic scholarship.” Mind you, the ACLU is quibbling.


To maximize your own public funding you may have to get creative. In Arizona any resident can divert a part of his state income tax to your school to fund a specific student. That means you need those students or their parents to get out and do the solicitation for you!    


2. Get free facilities for after-school clubs in public facilities. Child Evangelism Fellowship recruits grade-school children in the U.S. and abroad to born-again Christianity. In 2001, they took a case all the way to the Supreme Court and won the right to use public school facilities for their afternoon clubs. They persuaded the justices that they were teaching moral values, rather like the Boy Scouts and other groups that have long had access to public facilities. But parents who have sat in on the clubs assure us that these “values” include very specific dogmas and doctrines—things like heaven, hell and even biblical justification of genocide. Last year CEF operated over 4,000 Good News Clubs in public school facilities. 


3. Nudge your doctrines into public school textbooks and discussions. Texas sets textbook standards for the whole country, and if a tenacious group of Texans gets their way, you may be able to move your message directly into public school curriculum. Members of the state’s textbook review panel have recommended adding creationism to biology texts while reducing coverage of the dominant competing theory. You may think that their account of the creation story is mistaken; yours may be different. But in the long run, their long hard work to blur the boundary between science and myth helps the whole religious sector.


To make matter better, allies in the Texas Republican party proposed a platform in 2012 that prohibited schools from teaching critical thinking skills. Others have pushed to require that each high school offer “Bible as literature” electives, confident that devout teachers will know how to use the course material.


4. Support military missionaries on government salaries. Twenty to 30 years ago, evangelical Christians identified the U.S. military as a prime mission field and soldiers as potential missionaries to the world. Hundreds of evangelical and Pentecostal “endorsing” agencies began credentialing chaplains. Today, according to investigative reporter Jeff Sharlet, more than two thirds of U.S. military chaplains come from one of these two traditions. They have successfully redirected female cadets into the more time-honored roles of wife and mother, shaped entertainment and education in military academies, and cultivated a cadre of officers who support their mission. TheMilitary Religious Freedom Foundation has resisted some of their bold attempts to build an army of Christian soldiers, but missionary chaplains continue to serve and shape America’s fighting men and women, all on the public dime. The door for more remains open.  


5. Use federal disaster relief to rebuild after “acts of God.” Thanks to lobbying by religious leaders like the Catholic bishops and the Becket Fund, four U.S. senators are promoting legislation that would qualify churches, mosques, temples and synagogues for federal emergency (FEMA) funds if they get damage in natural disasters. The House of Representatives approved a similar measure early in the year. If you own or manage church property, it’s worth keeping your eye on this legislation. Your odds of having real estate damaged by a hurricane or earthquake may be low currently, but extreme weather events, like sea levels, appear to be on the rise. Should the bill pass, you might get to make a claim on a public insurance pool that lets religious entities skip out on the premiums.  


6. Leverage historic preservation grants to rehab your real estate. If you’ll be making an investment in religious real estate as a base for operations or to attract members, you might want to do a little digging in the archives. Federal grants may be available for restoration and repairs if your church is deemed historically significant. Like many other aspects of public funding for religion, this boundary has shifted in recent decades. Spending tax dollars on church buildings was ruled illegal in the 1970s but acceptable by 2003.


If you want to sell your historic church later for redevelopment, don’t worry, Jefferson’s wall of separation applies. In Washington State, for example, the Supreme Court ruled that a church could to sell to the highest bidder, even though their iconic building had been designated a landmark and the deal included a likely wrecking ball. Some knives don’t cut both ways. 


7. The public underwrites religious infrastructure. Some religious groups may be able to build a portfolio of real estate investments without having to contribute to public amenities, utilities, transportation, or policing. Many community services and assets get paid for by real estate owners through property taxes. But for a long time, houses of worship have been exempt, making them effectively subsidized by surrounding properties. In March 2013, pro-religion Arizona lawmakers proposed to expand that exemption to all properties held by religious entities, as long as they are not producing a profit. Such a change might allow a savvy investor to sit on undeveloped or underdeveloped land without incurring the annual costs faced by other speculators. Tax exempt real estate can offer a way to invest those tithes as membership grows.  


8. International aid dollars. World Vision, a multi-national with an evangelical mission and employee statement of faith has built a vast loyal following largely by appending evangelistic priorities to US aid dollars. World Vision offers desperate people the basics: food, clothing, shelter, medical care, and education—with a carefully titrated dose of Biblical Christianity. Their genius lies in the fact that most of their services are funded by Americans at large. 


Administrators and lawyers succeeded in persuading governmental granting agencies that World Vision is a non-proselytizing aid organization, while simultaneously persuading the courts they can’t fulfill their mission with heretics among warehouse staff. In 2007, three employees sued because they were fired over their interpretation of Christianity, which was at odds with the required employee statement of faith. World Vision fought all the way to the Supreme court and won. If Harvard Business School should need a case study on how an enterprise can solicit government contracts while circumventing the Civil Rights Act and other cumbersome employment laws, this is it. 


9. Administering public health facilities. With Obamacare and technology costs driving hospital mergers, religious healthcare corporations like Catholic Health Initiatives ($ 15B+ in assets) are finding that they can secure monopoly positions in many communities or even entire regions. This puts them in the power position when it comes to pricing services and negotiating labor contracts, which means mergers pay dividends. The Lund Report, which monitors Oregon’s healthcare system, reports annual profits of $ 2 billion and counting for the Providence chain.


Like other sectors such as aid and education, healthcare offers an array of opportunities for religious enterprises to expand and improve their brand appeal with little of their own money at risk. Consider this:


“Religious hospitals get 36% of all their revenue from Medicare [and] 12%…from Medicaid. Of the remaining 44% of funding, 31% comes from county appropriations, 30% comes from investments, and only 5% comes from charitable contributions (not necessarily religious). The percentage of church funding for church-run hospitals comes to a grand total of 0.0015 percent.



Administering health services allows a religious entity to restrict the service mix base on their beliefs about what God wants. For example, in Catholic-run facilities, directives from the bishops prohibit contraception and end-of-life options. Faith-related icons and outreach materials can be made available in waiting rooms. Depending on how your organization is structured, you may be able to preferentially hire members of your group and so keep the money in the family so to speak, all the while reaping the good will that comes with community service.


10. Provide safety net services to potential converts.Prisoners, addicts, single moms, pregnant teens, the elderly, foster kids…the possibilities are endless. President George Bush established an Office of Faith Based Initiatives, which worked to strengthen religious organizations in their ability to provide social services. In the first year, 2005, $ 2.2 billion in grants were awarded to religious organizations. (Barack Obama later revamped and expanded the office, appointing a cadre of religious leaders as advisors and putting his personal spiritual guide, Joshua DuBois, at the helm.)


The savvy expansion-minded religious entrepreneur will notice that people who are the target of safety net services often are the very same people who make prime candidates for conversion. In both cases they fit the bill because the fabric of their lives has frayed and they are in need of help. From a business standpoint such a focus may seem less than ideal, but remember this: poor, desperate people are the ones who put those celebrity evangelists in their mansions.


 

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Monday, September 16, 2013

Veil threat: UK Muslims outraged by possible ban on religious dress in public



Published time: September 16, 2013 14:37

AFP Photo / Leon Neal

AFP Photo / Leon Neal




The Muslim community in the UK has been ‘disgusted’ by the idea of a possible ban on Muslim girls and young women from wearing veils in public places. Home Office Minister Jeremy Browne says the government should consider the ban.


“We should be very cautious about imposing religious conformity on a society which has always valued freedom of expression,” a Liberal Democrat Minister told The Telegraph.


“But there is genuine debate about whether girls should feel a compulsion to wear a veil when society deems children to be unable to express personal choices about other areas like buying alcohol, smoking or getting married,” Browne said.


“That would apply to Christian minorities in the Middle East just as much as religious minorities here in Britain,” he added.


The chief executive of the Ramadhan Foundation, a group that works with young Muslims in the UK, said he was “disgusted” by Browne’s comments.

“This is another example of the double standards that are applied to Muslims in our country by some politicians,”
Mohammed Shafiq said.


“Whatever one’s religion they should be free to practice it according to their own choices and any attempt by the government to ban Muslim women will be strongly resisted by the Muslim community.”


The debate comes after Birmingham Metropolitan College changed its rules last week in an unprecedented move. It previously banned Muslim students from wearing niqabs – a veil that leaves only a slot for the eyes. An online petition against the ban was signed by 9,000 in 48 hours and forced the institution to drop the ban, which had been in place for eight years.


An 17-year-old girl who started the protest told the Birmingham Mail the veil ban was embarrasing.


“It upsets me that we are being discriminated against. I don’t think my niqab prevents me from studying or communicating with anyone – I’ve never had any problems in the city before,” the teenager, who didn’t want to be named, said.


Birmingham Metropolitan College is thought to be the only college in the UK to have banned the niqab, along with hoodies, hats and caps, so that individuals are “easily identifiable at all times”.


Reuters / Khaled Abdullah


“They haven’t provided us with another alternative. We said we would happily show the men at security our faces so they could check them against our IDs, but they won’t let us,” another student at the college, 17-year-old Imaani Ali, told the Mail.


Liberal Democratic leader Nick Clegg said he was also “uneasy” about the Birmingham ban.


“I’m really quite uneasy about anyone being told what they have to wear and I certainly would need to understand why,” Mr Clegg stated on his weekly LBC 97.3 radio phone-in show.


The guidelines from the Department for Education state that under the Equality Act 2010, schools must not discriminate against, harass or victimise pupils because of their: sex; race; disability; religion or belief.


“Where a school has good reason for restricting an individual’s freedoms, for example, to ensure effective teaching, the promotion of cohesion and good order in the school, the prevention of bullying, or genuine health and safety or security considerations, then the restriction of an individual’s rights to manifest their religion or belief may be justified.”


Back in 2007, a High Court judge rejected a pupil’s appeal to be allowed to wear the niqab in class. Currently in the UK, schools and colleges are given carte-blanche to set their own uniform policies. Headteachers in the UK can order students to remove veils for security reasons, however.


David Cameron’s spokesman said last week that the British Prime Minister would be in favor of banning controversial Muslim veils in his children’s schools. His nine-year-old daughter and seven-year-old son attend a Church of England junior school in West London.


“That would apply to every school, every single one, including the ones that his children may attend. What’s important is to back the right of schools to set their own uniform policy and that’s what the government will keep doing,” David Cameron’s spokesman replied.


The Conservative leader may be pushed to reconsider the rules on veils in schools.


“From a security point of view you need to be able to see the faces of people – in the House of Commons when we go through a division [to vote] we are not allowed to cover our face. There is a security issue here that is worth debating,” the Tory MP for Wellingborough, Peter Bone, told The Telegraph.


Sarah Wollaston, the MP for Totnes, has also suggested that the niqab should be banned in schools and colleges, saying the veils are “deeply offensive”.

“It would be a perverse distortion of freedom if we knowingly allowed the restriction of communication in the very schools and colleges which should be equipping girls with skills for the modern world. We must not abandon our cultural belief that women should fully and equally participate in society,”
she told the newspaper.


In another much-debated case, a judge on Monday allowed a 22-year-old London-based Muslim woman to stand trial in full face veil, but ruled she must remove it to give evidence.


The woman, who cannot be identified for legal reasons, earlier said it is against her religious beliefs to show her face in public, and her lawyer insisted that the refusal of permission to wear a veil would breach the young woman’s human rights.


Apart from the UK, a push for anti-Muslim laws has been recently made in France, home to Europe’s largest Muslim population. Last week leaders of France’s 6 million Muslims were outraged by the new ‘secularism charter’ designed to toughen rules banning religion from schools. Many Muslims fear that stricter laws at schools and universities would only deepen the gap between religions, and step up acts of racism and hatred against them.


In 2004, France passed a law banning schoolchildren from wearing conspicuous religious symbols, such as Muslim headscarves or Sikh turbans, but the law excluded universities. Now the High Council of Integration (HCI) wants to see the same rules applied to universities. In August, the research institute founded by the French government recommended prohibiting students from wearing religious symbols, such as Christian crucifixes, Jewish kippah skullcaps and Muslim headscarves.




RT – News



Veil threat: UK Muslims outraged by possible ban on religious dress in public

Sunday, August 25, 2013

Order restored after fresh Myanmar religious unrest

HTAN KONE, Myanmar (Reuters) – Authorities restored order in Myanmar’s northern Sagaing region on Sunday after a Buddhist mob set fire to nearly two dozen Muslim-owned buildings and attacked rescue workers in the latest widening of sectarian violence in the former military-run state.






Reuters: Top News



Order restored after fresh Myanmar religious unrest

Saturday, August 3, 2013

Religious groups battle for immigration reform



Maricela Aguilar delivered a cantaloupe to Rep. Steve King after his controversial comments on immigration.



By Carrie Dann, Political Reporter, NBC News


When lawmakers return to their home districts this August, they’re likely to hear strident opinions about immigration reform from local business owners, farmers, political activists, talk radio devotees and regular citizens engaged in the democratic process.


But many Christian leaders are hoping that they also hear the voice of the Almighty as well.


“It is very difficult to argue theologically that Jesus would be opposed to immigration reform,” says Rev. Samuel Rodriguez, the leader of the National Hispanic Christian Leadership Conference. “Beyond the issue of the public policy, the heart of God is for those that are suffering and for the oppressed and the marginalized.”


Rodriguez’s group – encompassing more than 40,000 evangelical congregations nationwide – is just one of many faith-based organizations hoping to influence the immigration debate this fall by invoking scripture and the compassion of God, from the pulpit and at political events.  


Pro-reform Christian organizations trace their support for the overhaul from Biblical passages and parables; the most often-quoted is Matthew 25:35, which reads “ For I was hungry, and ye gave me meat; I was thirsty, and ye gave me drink; I was a stranger, and ye took me in.” Leviticus 19 is another common refrain: “The stranger that dwelleth with you shall be unto you as one born among you, and thou shalt love him as thyself; for ye were strangers in the land of Egypt.”


Manuel Balce Ceneta / AP



Rep. Raul Grijalva, D-Nev., center, joins immigration reform supporters as they block a street on Capitol Hill in Washington, Thursday, Aug. 1, 2013, during a rally protesting immigration policies and the House GOP’s inability to pass a bill that contains a pathway to citizenship.




But there are also very practical reasons for these organizations to engage in the pro-reform effort. Immigrants are increasingly a part of the fabric of American faith communities, advocates say – even those in congressional districts that are still overwhelmingly white. And when undocumented individuals face poverty, health problems and deportations, they’re turning to churches for help.


“Most evangelicals who are concerned about immigration aren’t concerned about immigration as an abstract issue,” says Dr. Russell Moore, the new head of the Southern Baptist Convention’s Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission. “They’re concerned about people in their pews who are facing a broken system. They’re concerned about families that are threatened with being split apart.”


The faith-based push is far from new, but it’s reaching peak volume as the effort to pass immigration reform that includes a pathway to citizenship for undocumented immigrants is bogged down in the GOP-led House going into the August recess.


Some, like the National Hispanic Christian Leadership Conference, are specifically targeting Republican members of Congress who are on the fence by appealing to members of their congregation to attend town hall meetings and visit district offices. Others are more focused on building support for the reform effort through prayer and community events.


The United States Conference of Catholic Bishops is urging local dioceses to organize pilgrimages, devote masses and deliver sermons on the subject; it has also suggested Sept. 8 as a day of action for Catholics to pray for – and speak up about – immigration.  


The “Bibles, Badges and Business” campaign, made up of diverse faith groups as well as law enforcement and business groups, is planning about 50 events nationwide, including roundtables, speeches and town hall visits. The Evangelical Immigration Table, a coalition made of up many of the same evangelical organizations, aims to target about 80 congressional districts with in-person visits, phone calls and op-eds, according to Jim Wallis, founder of Sojourners, a national Christian organization focused on social and racial justice.


“When a pastor with 5,000 members calls his member of Congress, he answers the phone,” Wallis said.


The alliances between different religious groups – not always on the same page on other issues like sexual morality, war and the economy – also allow the pro-reform coalition to offer a consistent message to people of faith from born-again Christians and Mormons, who have supported Republicans overwhelmingly in past presidential elections, to Catholics and mainline Protestants, who are more evenly split between the two parties.



Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee, D-Texas, joins MSNBC’s Alex Witt to talk about immigration reform and the Voting Rights Act.



“The faith groups can reach to both sides of the spectrum,” said Kevin Appleby, the director of migration policy and public affairs at the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops. “We have an ability to reach into offices where others may not be able to and make the argument that this is the right thing to do.”


Appleby acknowledges that the politics of immigration reform aren’t easy for some lawmakers, who may be hearing overwhelmingly from constituents who oppose the reform effort when they go home to heavily conservative districts.


Not all who hear the message are going to be convinced that creating a path to citizenship is the Christian thing to do. (Critics of the citizenship policy, after all, also cite the Bible, pointing to Romans 13: “Let every person be subject to the governing authorities.”)


“But,” Appleby adds, “it certainly doesn’t hurt for members to know that their church or their faith organization would support them on this, and thank them for it.”  


Moore, from the Southern Baptist Convention, says that – although his organization doesn’t specifically organize political activity – the most effective way to influence lawmakers on the fence about the reform effort is simply to tell the stories of how the broken immigration system affects people in their own churches.


“As our congregations become more ethnically diverse – and they are, rapidly – our people are seeing the human element here,” he said. “Those stories are finding their way out of local congregations and toward elected officials.”


A May 2013 study by the Pew Research Center’s Religion and Public Life Project estimated that, over the last two decades, the United States has admitted about 12.7 million legal immigrants who identify as Christians.  About 60 percent of new legal immigrants last year were Christian.


And among undocumented immigrants, the percentage of Christians is even more striking. More than eight in ten undocumented immigrants are Christian, the study found, translating to an estimated 9.2 million individuals living in the United States today.


“The future of the churches, all of them – Catholic, Southern Baptist, evangelical, mainline – the future of our churches are immigrants,” Wallis says. “They are our future.”


Rodriguez agrees, citing projections that show the majority of evangelicals in the United States may be Latino by the year 2030.


“The optics that guide the community in addressing immigration reform are not just morally driven – which is the most important – but are also about self-preservation,” Rodriguez says.  


“The very future of American evangelicalism lies in the hands of the immigration reform debate. So it’s a matter of survival.”


This story was originally published on






Religious groups battle for immigration reform

Thursday, August 1, 2013

Religious order files reveal decades of LA abuse


(AP) — In therapy sessions, the priest confessed the shocking details he’d kept hidden for years: He had molested more than 100 boys, including his 5-year-old brother. He had sex with male prostitutes, and frequented gay strip clubs.


The admissions of the Rev. Ruben Martinez are included among nearly 2,000 pages of secret files unsealed Wednesday that were kept on priests, brothers and nuns who belonged to religious orders but were accused of child molestation while working within the Los Angeles archdiocese.


The papers, which were released under the terms of a $ 660 million settlement agreement reached in 2007, are the first glimpse at what religious orders knew about the men and women they posted in Roman Catholic schools and parishes in the Los Angeles area. The archdiocese itself released thousands of pages under court order this year for its own priests who were accused of sexual abuse, but the full picture of the problem remained elusive without the orders’ records. Several dozen more files are expected to be released by the fall.


The documents cover five different religious orders that employed 10 priests or religious brothers and two nuns who were all accused in civil lawsuits of molesting children. Among them, the accused had 21 alleged victims between the 1950s and the 1980s.


Some of the files released Wednesday, including those of the nuns, don’t mention sexual abuse at all, and others appear to have large gaps in time and missing documents. The release included documents from the Oblates, the Marianists, the Benedictines and two orders for religious sisters.


That the files don’t reflect some of the alleged abuse doesn’t mean it didn’t happen, said Ray Boucher, lead attorney for some abuse victims. “Much of this went unreported. You’re talking about kids that were terrorized and frightened in so many different ways, with no place and no one to turn to.”


At more than 500 pages, Martinez’s file is among the most complete, and it paints a devastating picture of a troubled and repressed child who later joined the priesthood to satisfy a domineering and devout father.


The Los Angeles archdiocese settled eight lawsuits over Martinez’s actions in 2007, but had little documentation on him in its own files even though the priest worked in its parishes for years in the 1970s and 1980s.


However, his order file includes graphic details described in therapy notes and psychiatric evaluations. It also reveals the years of effort — and tens of thousands of dollars — the Oblates spent trying to cure him of his self-admitted pedophilia as it shuttled him between programs, including inpatient treatment.


In 1965, Martinez took his final vows for a religious order called the U.S. Province of the Missionary Oblates of Mary Immaculate, a nearly 200-year-old Catholic organization with roots in France. In 1969, he was ordained as a priest and assigned by his order to a small parish in Brawley, Calif.


In a 1993 psychiatric report — one of several such evaluations done between 1991 and 2005 by various treatment programs — the priest admitted to molesting children beginning in 1970, when he began playing “giddy up” games with young boys on his lap. In the documents, Martinez says he stopped “direct sexual contact” with boys after a mother complained to a pastor in 1982 and that he stopped touching boys altogether after another complaint in 1986.


It’s unclear whether his religious order or the archdiocese was aware of those complaints, but around the same time as the first complaint, Martinez began weekly therapy sessions. He entered a counseling program for people with sexual compulsions after the second complaint in 1986.


In 1991, he received five months of inpatient psychological treatment from a center in Jemez Springs, New Mexico that specialized in treating troubled priests.


Upon his release, Martinez was assigned to a tiny parish in the remote town of Westmorland, Calif., in the far southeastern corner of the state. While there, he would drive miles to San Diego to pick up male prostitutes, according to his file.


He was removed from parish ministry in 1993, enrolled in a sex offender program and sent to live and work at the order’s California headquarters in Oakland after another complaint surfaced from his past. For the rest of his career, he filled administrative roles.


Calls to the U.S. Province of the Oblates and emails to two attorneys representing Martinez and the three other Oblate priests whose files were released were not returned. Attorneys for the Benedictines and Marianists and a representative from the Missionary Sisters of the Sacred Heart of Jesus also did not return calls.


Carolina Guevara, a spokeswoman for the Los Angeles archdiocese, did not address the current file release specifically but said religious orders are expected to make sure the priests they present for ministry in the archdiocese don’t have any history of sex abuse.


One man who sued over Martinez’s abuse told The Associated Press that the priest molested children after he was assigned to his hometown parish in Wilmington, a working-class city south of Los Angeles, in 1972. The man, now 50, requested anonymity because he is well-known in his professional life and has not spoken publicly about his case before. The AP does not publish the names of victims of sexual abuse without their consent.


“He would have us wrestle each other and then wrestle with him, which means we’d get down into our skivvies and he’d take pictures of us. He was always taking pictures,” the man said. “I just remember the smell of the old Polaroid flash cubes. He would go through them like crazy.”


The man received a settlement in 2007 from the archdiocese. Martinez was never charged criminally; most of his alleged abuses weren’t reported until years later.


The man said Martinez always had a group of young boys around him and would take them to see R-rated movies and on group trips. One summer day, he recalled, the priest took six boys to a local amusement park, but stopped on the way at an apartment where another man lived. Martinez and the man went inside with one of the boys and left the other five in the car for several hours. When the trio came back, the boy was sobbing and didn’t stop for hours.


Martinez, now 72, has a most recent address at the Oblate Mission House in Oakland, Calif. No one answered the door there and a call was not returned on Wednesday. A receptionist at a Missouri retreat home for troubled priests — another possible place where Martinez could be living — would not say if he was there.


In 2003, after a decade in at the order’s California headquarters, Martinez was moved to the Oblates’ offices in Washington, D.C., where he worked answering phones and in the archives. There, his files show, he was reprimanded for making off-color, sexual jokes that offended several women and, later, for looking at sexually suggestive pictures of young boys on the Internet and downloading a floppy disk filled with “references to topics dealing with the gay lifestyle.” He also marched in a gay pride parade.


“I don’t know who else has time to monitor him, or to what ‘safe’ place we could assign him,” the Rev. Charles Banks, the vicar provincial and director of personnel for the Oblates wrote in an exasperated memo in 2003.


The file shows that Martinez was sent to the Missouri retreat home for troubled priests in 2005. In a psychiatric assessment dated that same year, Martinez said he hadn’t had sexual contact with a child in 23 years and had learned to control his impulses. The same report notes that at age 13, Martinez sexually molested his little brother and went on to molest “about 100 male minors” — a detail also included in several others therapy evaluations in the file.


“It has not been easy to face what I did, to admit it and to talk about it with others,” Martinez wrote to the order’s provincial in 2006. “I have had to deal with depression, self-hatred, the inability and unwillingness to forgive myself, and the desire and tendency to isolate.”


_____


Associated Press Writers Sarah Parvini and Lisa Leff in Oakland contributed to this report.


_____


On the web:


http://www.lorpb.com/Orders-Released-Files.aspx


http://www.kbla.com/Religious_Orders_Released_Files.asp


Associated Press




U.S. Headlines



Religious order files reveal decades of LA abuse

Religious order files reveal decades of LA abuse


(AP) — In therapy sessions, the priest confessed the shocking details he’d kept hidden for years: He had molested more than 100 boys, including his 5-year-old brother. He had sex with male prostitutes, and frequented gay strip clubs.


The admissions of the Rev. Ruben Martinez are included among nearly 2,000 pages of secret files unsealed Wednesday that were kept on priests, brothers and nuns who belonged to religious orders but were accused of child molestation while working within the Los Angeles archdiocese.


The papers, which were released under the terms of a $ 660 million settlement agreement reached in 2007, are the first glimpse at what religious orders knew about the men and women they posted in Roman Catholic schools and parishes in the Los Angeles area. The archdiocese itself released thousands of pages under court order this year for its own priests who were accused of sexual abuse, but the full picture of the problem remained elusive without the orders’ records. Several dozen more files are expected to be released by the fall.


The documents cover five different religious orders that employed 10 priests or religious brothers and two nuns who were all accused in civil lawsuits of molesting children. Among them, the accused had 21 alleged victims between the 1950s and the 1980s.


Some of the files released Wednesday, including those of the nuns, don’t mention sexual abuse at all, and others appear to have large gaps in time and missing documents. The release included documents from the Oblates, the Marianists, the Benedictines and two orders for religious sisters.


That the files don’t reflect some of the alleged abuse doesn’t mean it didn’t happen, said Ray Boucher, lead attorney for some abuse victims. “Much of this went unreported. You’re talking about kids that were terrorized and frightened in so many different ways, with no place and no one to turn to.”


At more than 500 pages, Martinez’s file is among the most complete, and it paints a devastating picture of a troubled and repressed child who later joined the priesthood to satisfy a domineering and devout father.


The Los Angeles archdiocese settled eight lawsuits over Martinez’s actions in 2007, but had little documentation on him in its own files even though the priest worked in its parishes for years in the 1970s and 1980s.


However, his order file includes graphic details described in therapy notes and psychiatric evaluations. It also reveals the years of effort — and tens of thousands of dollars — the Oblates spent trying to cure him of his self-admitted pedophilia as it shuttled him between programs, including inpatient treatment.


In 1965, Martinez took his final vows for a religious order called the U.S. Province of the Missionary Oblates of Mary Immaculate, a nearly 200-year-old Catholic organization with roots in France. In 1969, he was ordained as a priest and assigned by his order to a small parish in Brawley, Calif.


In a 1993 psychiatric report — one of several such evaluations done between 1991 and 2005 by various treatment programs — the priest admitted to molesting children beginning in 1970, when he began playing “giddy up” games with young boys on his lap. In the documents, Martinez says he stopped “direct sexual contact” with boys after a mother complained to a pastor in 1982 and that he stopped touching boys altogether after another complaint in 1986.


It’s unclear whether his religious order or the archdiocese was aware of those complaints, but around the same time as the first complaint, Martinez began weekly therapy sessions. He entered a counseling program for people with sexual compulsions after the second complaint in 1986.


In 1991, he received five months of inpatient psychological treatment from a center in Jemez Springs, New Mexico that specialized in treating troubled priests.


Upon his release, Martinez was assigned to a tiny parish in the remote town of Westmorland, Calif., in the far southeastern corner of the state. While there, he would drive miles to San Diego to pick up male prostitutes, according to his file.


He was removed from parish ministry in 1993, enrolled in a sex offender program and sent to live and work at the order’s California headquarters in Oakland after another complaint surfaced from his past. For the rest of his career, he filled administrative roles.


Calls to the U.S. Province of the Oblates and emails to two attorneys representing Martinez and the three other Oblate priests whose files were released were not returned. Attorneys for the Benedictines and Marianists and a representative from the Missionary Sisters of the Sacred Heart of Jesus also did not return calls.


Carolina Guevara, a spokeswoman for the Los Angeles archdiocese, did not address the current file release specifically but said religious orders are expected to make sure the priests they present for ministry in the archdiocese don’t have any history of sex abuse.


One man who sued over Martinez’s abuse told The Associated Press that the priest molested children after he was assigned to his hometown parish in Wilmington, a working-class city south of Los Angeles, in 1972. The man, now 50, requested anonymity because he is well-known in his professional life and has not spoken publicly about his case before. The AP does not publish the names of victims of sexual abuse without their consent.


“He would have us wrestle each other and then wrestle with him, which means we’d get down into our skivvies and he’d take pictures of us. He was always taking pictures,” the man said. “I just remember the smell of the old Polaroid flash cubes. He would go through them like crazy.”


The man received a settlement in 2007 from the archdiocese. Martinez was never charged criminally; most of his alleged abuses weren’t reported until years later.


The man said Martinez always had a group of young boys around him and would take them to see R-rated movies and on group trips. One summer day, he recalled, the priest took six boys to a local amusement park, but stopped on the way at an apartment where another man lived. Martinez and the man went inside with one of the boys and left the other five in the car for several hours. When the trio came back, the boy was sobbing and didn’t stop for hours.


Martinez, now 72, has a most recent address at the Oblate Mission House in Oakland, Calif. No one answered the door there and a call was not returned on Wednesday. A receptionist at a Missouri retreat home for troubled priests — another possible place where Martinez could be living — would not say if he was there.


In 2003, after a decade in at the order’s California headquarters, Martinez was moved to the Oblates’ offices in Washington, D.C., where he worked answering phones and in the archives. There, his files show, he was reprimanded for making off-color, sexual jokes that offended several women and, later, for looking at sexually suggestive pictures of young boys on the Internet and downloading a floppy disk filled with “references to topics dealing with the gay lifestyle.” He also marched in a gay pride parade.


“I don’t know who else has time to monitor him, or to what ‘safe’ place we could assign him,” the Rev. Charles Banks, the vicar provincial and director of personnel for the Oblates wrote in an exasperated memo in 2003.


The file shows that Martinez was sent to the Missouri retreat home for troubled priests in 2005. In a psychiatric assessment dated that same year, Martinez said he hadn’t had sexual contact with a child in 23 years and had learned to control his impulses. The same report notes that at age 13, Martinez sexually molested his little brother and went on to molest “about 100 male minors” — a detail also included in several others therapy evaluations in the file.


“It has not been easy to face what I did, to admit it and to talk about it with others,” Martinez wrote to the order’s provincial in 2006. “I have had to deal with depression, self-hatred, the inability and unwillingness to forgive myself, and the desire and tendency to isolate.”


_____


Associated Press Writers Sarah Parvini and Lisa Leff in Oakland contributed to this report.


_____


On the web:


http://www.lorpb.com/Orders-Released-Files.aspx


http://www.kbla.com/Religious_Orders_Released_Files.asp


Associated Press




U.S. Headlines



Religious order files reveal decades of LA abuse