Showing posts with label isn’t. Show all posts
Showing posts with label isn’t. Show all posts

Tuesday, April 1, 2014

Here"s At Least 260,000 Reasons Why College Isn"t Worth It

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Here"s At Least 260,000 Reasons Why College Isn"t Worth It

Wednesday, November 13, 2013

Shocking Video – The Former Face of Healthcare.gov Says She Isn’t an American Citizen, Hasn’t Signed up for Obamacare, & Hasn’t Even Been Paid!

Meet Adriana, the Former Face of Obamacare…


Adriana, whose face was plastered on healthcare.gov’s front page from Oct. 1-31, shared her story with ABC News last night.


According to ABC, Adriana is married with a 21 month-old son.  She’s from Columbia, isn’t a U.S. citizen, and hasn’t signed up for Obamacare, though she is eligible to receive federal health benefits since she’s lived in the U.S. legally for six years.


She also expressed frustration with the fact that the government hasn’t even paid her for the use of her image on the Obamacare website.


Adriana told Health and Human Services (HHS) officials to remove her image from the controversial web portal because she claims to consistently get bullied by people who don’t agree with Obamacare.


The Obama Administration, however, denies her assertion that her likeness was removed at her request.


Instead, a HHS spokesman told ABC that the picture was replaced with more generic images because, “Healthcare.gov is a dynamic website.”


Here’s the nearly three minute interview:
video platformvideo managementvideo solutionsvideo player


LibertyNEWS.com » Today’s News



Shocking Video – The Former Face of Healthcare.gov Says She Isn’t an American Citizen, Hasn’t Signed up for Obamacare, & Hasn’t Even Been Paid!

Wednesday, September 25, 2013

Scarborough: Ted Cruz"s Narcissism Isn"t Inspiring


The Morning Joe panel — including Cokie Roberts, Al Hunt, Jeremy Peters and Sam Stein — discusses Sen. Ted Cruz’s marathon crusade against Obamacare.




RealClearPolitics Video Log



Scarborough: Ted Cruz"s Narcissism Isn"t Inspiring

Sunday, August 25, 2013

Q&A: Bolling Isn"t Bullish on Va. Gov. Candidates



Since scratching his own Virginia gubernatorial bid last year, Lt. Gov. Bill Bolling has come to think of himself as something of a quiet referee in the contentious race between Republican Attorney General Ken Cuccinelli and Democrat Terry McAuliffe, a former DNC chairman. Bolling, who has no preferred player in the match-up, largely stays on the sidelines. But some news in state politics this week put a bit of the spotlight on how Bolling would react to those developments: Gov. Bob McDonnell met with prosecutors looking into his relationship with a donor, Star Scientific CEO Jonnie Williams; and Bolling’s longtime adviser, GOP strategist Boyd Marcus, announced he would back McAuliffe in the race.


The No. 2 officer in the commonwealth spoke with RealClearPolitics about Boyd’s move; the impact of the McDonnell controversy on the race; the Virginia GOP as a microcosm of the national party’s woes; whether he might wage a write-in bid for governor; and why he is “not a big fan” of Cuccinelli.


Why did Marcus switch over to the other side?


There are a lot of Republicans in Virginia who are not happy with the Republican nominee for governor, and there are a lot of Republicans in Virginia who are concerned about the direction of the Republican Party. And a lot of those folks in recent weeks have chosen to endorse Mr. McAuliffe’s candidacy. He did what he thought was right, and I respect that. There are other Republicans who feel the same way he does and have done the same thing in recent weeks. Obviously, McAuliffe is trying to use that to his advantage and it’s a smart strategy on his part.


The Virginia gubernatorial race typically serves as a check or a bellwether. The president’s party tends to loose. McDonnell’s win in 2009 delivered one of the first blows to President Obama, and Republicans took over the House of Representatives the following year. Will it be a bellwether this year? What will it say about the GOP?


I don’t think you’re going to be able to read a lot into the outcome of this election, no matter which way it goes. The Republican Party in Virginia is going through the same challenges that many Republican parties across the country are going through, as you try to obtain the proper balance between traditional Republicans, like myself, and the Tea Party Republicans, and Ron Paul Republicans — are all trying to figure out how to live under the same roof. And that’s a challenge for the party in Virginia and I think it’s a challenge for the GOP nationally.


The Republican Party of Virginia has basically been taken over by the Tea Party folks, and Ron Paul folks, and because of that the party has gone in a direction that concerns a lot of us. It has resulted in the nomination of not just the most conservative ticket but also the most ideologically driven ticket in the history of the state. I think that creates a couple challenges: uncomfortableness for traditional Republicans, and an uncertainty as to how that ticket will be received by voters in the fall.


On the other hand, the other side has not been able to generate a lot of excitement around their candidate either. If you look at the polls, the only folks that seem to be happy with the choices are the partisans in each party.


Virginia is a purple state. You’ve got a block of voters who will always vote for the Republican candidate; you’ve got a block of voters who will always vote for the Democratic candidate. Elections in our state are determined by the 20-25 percent of independent voters, and those voters right now are just scratching their heads trying to figure out what to do.


What do you think those independents will do?


I don’t think either candidate has really reached into that group yet because neither candidate has offered a positive vision for the future of the state. The campaign up until now has become a rapid race to the bottom, with each candidate trying to define the opponent in terms of the lowest common denominator, rather than trying to define themselves.


It’s not that these guys haven’t talked about issues. They have. And there are big differences between them on issues. But the problem is their discussion has been totally drowned out by the million of TV ads that they’ve already run.


Independent voters are not moved by negative campaigns. They’re moved by candidates who are able to present come sort of a positive vision. And at this point, neither one of them has been able to do that. If they don’t, then I think there’s a likelihood that these independent voters could stay home on Election Day and we could be looking at one of the lowest voter turnouts in the history of the state.


You haven’t endorsed Cuccinelli. Do you plan to endorse anyone before Election Day?


I don’t plan to. That could change. But I don’t have any plans to do so. I’m a Republican. I’ve been clear to say that I have concerns about Cuccinelli’s ability to effectively and responsibly govern our state, and because of those concerns, I have not been comfortable endorsing his candidacy. But I’m a Republican, and because of that I’m not comfortable endorsing the other guy’s candidacy either.


Whether the voters like it or not, one of these two guys is going to be the next governor of Virginia.


Or could the next governor be you?


That’s not a viable option. I wanted to be the Republican candidate for governor. That didn’t work out. The governing body of the Republican Party of Virginia was essentially taken over by the Tea Party folks and the Ron Paul folks and they changed the nomination from a primary to a convention and that just made it very difficult for me to win. I considered an independent candidacy but I feel for a lot of reasons that wasn’t the right way to go. And I feel that a write-in campaign is just a very long shot and at this point is not something I have any intention of pursuing.


What I think we have to do is just choose very carefully to make sure we have a governor who can lead our state effectively, responsibly and in a mainstream way.


What’s your relationship like with Cuccinelli?


I’m not a big fan of Mr. Cuccinelli’s. There are issues on which I agree with him, and others on which I disagree. My main concern is the types of issues he has tended to focus on through his career, and his leadership style and demeanor, and his ability to effectively and responsibly lead the state. It’s not personal — I’m just not convinced he has the skill set that’s necessary to be an effective governor. He is a smart guy, a very principled guy, and a very hardworking guy. I respect all of that. I just worry about the kind of governor he would be.


I think the challenge McAuliffe faces is that a lot of voters still don’t know him. He has not been actively involved in Virginia life in the past. The challenge McAuliffe faces is he has to define himself to the voters. The challenge Cuccinelli faces is he has to redefine himself to the voters. Many voters in Virginia feel he is just too extreme, so he is trying to redefine himself as a more mainstream political candidate.


What specifically gives you pause about Cuccinelli?


I worry about the kinds of issues he would focus on as governor. I worry about his ability to build the consensus that’s necessary to solve problems and get things done.


He has tended to be a rigid ideologue who thrives on conflict and confrontation and tends to be drawn to the more controversial and divisive issues of the day. They fire up the Tea Party base, I’m just not sure they’re the right skill set for someone who wants to be governor.


Is it possible for him to redefine himself?


I think it will be very hard for Cuccinelli to redefine himself with voters who know anything about him. But, there are a lot of voters who know nothing about Cuccinelli or McAuliffe, so with those voters he could potentially redefine himself.


It’s going to be a low turnout race, as off-year elections are. I think this could be a 30-35 percent turnout.


Who benefits from a lower turnout?


I think Cuccinelli would love that. I think he likes the current direction of this campaign, because it’s turning off a lot of voters and that means they may stay home. The lower the voter turnout, the better the chance Cuccinelli has of winning. McAuliffe, I think his strategy is, he has to drive people to the polls. He’s got to boost voter turnout. I don’t think he can do that by attacking Cuccinelli. I think he also has to offer some sort of positive vision that encourages people to vote for him, not just against the other guy.


For “mainstream” Republicans like yourself, would it be better or worse if McAuliffe were governor?


I’m not going to respond to that one.


What kind of an impact is the McDonnell controversy having on this race?


It just makes Republicans look bad, and it reminds voters that Mr. Cuccinelli has his own Star Scientific problems. As a result of his relationship [with Williams], he encountered a conflict of interest in at least two cases in which he has had to assign to outside firms, which will cost taxpayers hundreds of thousands of dollars. The situation involving Gov. McDonnell and Star Scientific is certainty not helpful, in fact it is harmful.


What’s going to happen with McDonnell? Any chance of him resigning?


I don’t know the answer to that. I don’t know what kind of conversation the governor and his attorneys have had.


My hope is that the federal prosecutors will determine that nothing the governor did rose to the level of illegal activity. That’s my hope. But I just don’t know. The facts I know are the facts I read in the media reports, so I don’t know what discussions have taken place between the federal prosecutors and the governor, so we will just have to see how this plays out. It would benefit us all to get this behind us one way or another. 




RealClearPolitics – Articles



Q&A: Bolling Isn"t Bullish on Va. Gov. Candidates

Q&A: Bolling Isn"t Bullish on Va. Gov. Candidates



Since scratching his own Virginia gubernatorial bid last year, Lt. Gov. Bill Bolling has come to think of himself as something of a quiet referee in the contentious race between Republican Attorney General Ken Cuccinelli and Democrat Terry McAuliffe, a former DNC chairman. Bolling, who has no preferred player in the match-up, largely stays on the sidelines. But some news in state politics this week put a bit of the spotlight on how Bolling would react to those developments: Gov. Bob McDonnell met with prosecutors looking into his relationship with a donor, Star Scientific CEO Jonnie Williams; and Bolling’s longtime adviser, GOP strategist Boyd Marcus, announced he would back McAuliffe in the race.


The No. 2 officer in the commonwealth spoke with RealClearPolitics about Boyd’s move; the impact of the McDonnell controversy on the race; the Virginia GOP as a microcosm of the national party’s woes; whether he might wage a write-in bid for governor; and why he is “not a big fan” of Cuccinelli.


Why did Marcus switch over to the other side?


There are a lot of Republicans in Virginia who are not happy with the Republican nominee for governor, and there are a lot of Republicans in Virginia who are concerned about the direction of the Republican Party. And a lot of those folks in recent weeks have chosen to endorse Mr. McAuliffe’s candidacy. He did what he thought was right, and I respect that. There are other Republicans who feel the same way he does and have done the same thing in recent weeks. Obviously, McAuliffe is trying to use that to his advantage and it’s a smart strategy on his part.


The Virginia gubernatorial race typically serves as a check or a bellwether. The president’s party tends to loose. McDonnell’s win in 2009 delivered one of the first blows to President Obama, and Republicans took over the House of Representatives the following year. Will it be a bellwether this year? What will it say about the GOP?


I don’t think you’re going to be able to read a lot into the outcome of this election, no matter which way it goes. The Republican Party in Virginia is going through the same challenges that many Republican parties across the country are going through, as you try to obtain the proper balance between traditional Republicans, like myself, and the Tea Party Republicans, and Ron Paul Republicans — are all trying to figure out how to live under the same roof. And that’s a challenge for the party in Virginia and I think it’s a challenge for the GOP nationally.


The Republican Party of Virginia has basically been taken over by the Tea Party folks, and Ron Paul folks, and because of that the party has gone in a direction that concerns a lot of us. It has resulted in the nomination of not just the most conservative ticket but also the most ideologically driven ticket in the history of the state. I think that creates a couple challenges: uncomfortableness for traditional Republicans, and an uncertainty as to how that ticket will be received by voters in the fall.


On the other hand, the other side has not been able to generate a lot of excitement around their candidate either. If you look at the polls, the only folks that seem to be happy with the choices are the partisans in each party.


Virginia is a purple state. You’ve got a block of voters who will always vote for the Republican candidate; you’ve got a block of voters who will always vote for the Democratic candidate. Elections in our state are determined by the 20-25 percent of independent voters, and those voters right now are just scratching their heads trying to figure out what to do.


What do you think those independents will do?


I don’t think either candidate has really reached into that group yet because neither candidate has offered a positive vision for the future of the state. The campaign up until now has become a rapid race to the bottom, with each candidate trying to define the opponent in terms of the lowest common denominator, rather than trying to define themselves.


It’s not that these guys haven’t talked about issues. They have. And there are big differences between them on issues. But the problem is their discussion has been totally drowned out by the million of TV ads that they’ve already run.


Independent voters are not moved by negative campaigns. They’re moved by candidates who are able to present come sort of a positive vision. And at this point, neither one of them has been able to do that. If they don’t, then I think there’s a likelihood that these independent voters could stay home on Election Day and we could be looking at one of the lowest voter turnouts in the history of the state.


You haven’t endorsed Cuccinelli. Do you plan to endorse anyone before Election Day?


I don’t plan to. That could change. But I don’t have any plans to do so. I’m a Republican. I’ve been clear to say that I have concerns about Cuccinelli’s ability to effectively and responsibly govern our state, and because of those concerns, I have not been comfortable endorsing his candidacy. But I’m a Republican, and because of that I’m not comfortable endorsing the other guy’s candidacy either.


Whether the voters like it or not, one of these two guys is going to be the next governor of Virginia.


Or could the next governor be you?


That’s not a viable option. I wanted to be the Republican candidate for governor. That didn’t work out. The governing body of the Republican Party of Virginia was essentially taken over by the Tea Party folks and the Ron Paul folks and they changed the nomination from a primary to a convention and that just made it very difficult for me to win. I considered an independent candidacy but I feel for a lot of reasons that wasn’t the right way to go. And I feel that a write-in campaign is just a very long shot and at this point is not something I have any intention of pursuing.


What I think we have to do is just choose very carefully to make sure we have a governor who can lead our state effectively, responsibly and in a mainstream way.


What’s your relationship like with Cuccinelli?


I’m not a big fan of Mr. Cuccinelli’s. There are issues on which I agree with him, and others on which I disagree. My main concern is the types of issues he has tended to focus on through his career, and his leadership style and demeanor, and his ability to effectively and responsibly lead the state. It’s not personal — I’m just not convinced he has the skill set that’s necessary to be an effective governor. He is a smart guy, a very principled guy, and a very hardworking guy. I respect all of that. I just worry about the kind of governor he would be.


I think the challenge McAuliffe faces is that a lot of voters still don’t know him. He has not been actively involved in Virginia life in the past. The challenge McAuliffe faces is he has to define himself to the voters. The challenge Cuccinelli faces is he has to redefine himself to the voters. Many voters in Virginia feel he is just too extreme, so he is trying to redefine himself as a more mainstream political candidate.


What specifically gives you pause about Cuccinelli?


I worry about the kinds of issues he would focus on as governor. I worry about his ability to build the consensus that’s necessary to solve problems and get things done.


He has tended to be a rigid ideologue who thrives on conflict and confrontation and tends to be drawn to the more controversial and divisive issues of the day. They fire up the Tea Party base, I’m just not sure they’re the right skill set for someone who wants to be governor.


Is it possible for him to redefine himself?


I think it will be very hard for Cuccinelli to redefine himself with voters who know anything about him. But, there are a lot of voters who know nothing about Cuccinelli or McAuliffe, so with those voters he could potentially redefine himself.


It’s going to be a low turnout race, as off-year elections are. I think this could be a 30-35 percent turnout.


Who benefits from a lower turnout?


I think Cuccinelli would love that. I think he likes the current direction of this campaign, because it’s turning off a lot of voters and that means they may stay home. The lower the voter turnout, the better the chance Cuccinelli has of winning. McAuliffe, I think his strategy is, he has to drive people to the polls. He’s got to boost voter turnout. I don’t think he can do that by attacking Cuccinelli. I think he also has to offer some sort of positive vision that encourages people to vote for him, not just against the other guy.


For “mainstream” Republicans like yourself, would it be better or worse if McAuliffe were governor?


I’m not going to respond to that one.


What kind of an impact is the McDonnell controversy having on this race?


It just makes Republicans look bad, and it reminds voters that Mr. Cuccinelli has his own Star Scientific problems. As a result of his relationship [with Williams], he encountered a conflict of interest in at least two cases in which he has had to assign to outside firms, which will cost taxpayers hundreds of thousands of dollars. The situation involving Gov. McDonnell and Star Scientific is certainty not helpful, in fact it is harmful.


What’s going to happen with McDonnell? Any chance of him resigning?


I don’t know the answer to that. I don’t know what kind of conversation the governor and his attorneys have had.


My hope is that the federal prosecutors will determine that nothing the governor did rose to the level of illegal activity. That’s my hope. But I just don’t know. The facts I know are the facts I read in the media reports, so I don’t know what discussions have taken place between the federal prosecutors and the governor, so we will just have to see how this plays out. It would benefit us all to get this behind us one way or another. 




RealClearPolitics – Articles



Q&A: Bolling Isn"t Bullish on Va. Gov. Candidates

Saturday, August 17, 2013

A do-nothing Congress isn"t healthy




  • Former congressman John Porter says Congress has done little up to August recess

  • Among the issues he says Congress hasn’t tackled is more funding for health research

  • He says people support more spending, and most would pay more taxes for research

  • Porter: Health research is an investment that will benefit our childen and grandchildren



Editor’s note: John Porter, who served for 21 years as a Republican congressman from Illinois, is chairman of Research!America, an alliance which represents academic, industry, patient groups and other organizations, to advocate for greater public investment in research for health. The alliance is primarily funded by member organizations including pharmaceutical companies and philanthropists. He is a partner in the law firm of Hogan & Lovells.


(CNN) — At every congressional recess, the question remains: What has Congress accomplished to advance medical innovation, or for that matter any of our national priorities?


A ritual of leaving town with no meaningful action on pressing issues seems to have taken hold as lawmakers once again meet with voters in their districts. Indeed, much will happen during this break, but as elected officials hold yet another town hall meeting, Facebook or Twitter chat or public event, thousands will be diagnosed with cancer or get the dreaded confirmation from a physician that they or a loved one has Alzheimer’s disease. Thousands will suffer a heart attack or stroke, and thousands of parents will learn that their child has a rare disease.


Researchers are racing against the clock to identify a new gene or molecule that could lead to the next medical breakthrough and bring us closer to cures and new therapies to halt disease.



John E. Porter


Time is of the essence in the scientific community, but unfortunately, our elected leaders continue to squander precious time in political, ideological battles that yield little or no results. Is this the Congress you elected? This is not the first elected body to tackle formidable challenges, but it may be the first that has failed miserably in addressing critical issues that will have short- and long-term implications for the health and well-being of Americans.


Spending bills to fund the National Institutes of Health, the Centers for Disease Control and other agencies in the next fiscal year remain in limbo as sequestration, across-the-board spending cuts enacted in March, tightens its grip on medical innovation. As a result of these mindless budget cuts, researchers are delaying or scrubbing promising studies. Institutions across the country have closed labs, reduced their work forces and implemented hiring freezes. Young scientists are rethinking their career paths or moving abroad to countries that have accelerated investments in research.


Many commentators have noted that the 113th Congress is on track to be the least productive in recent history. Fewer than three dozen bills have been passed by this Congress and signed into law.


This new style of legislating, when there is any, seems to be brinksmanship at the last possible moment: Hail Mary passes to avert a government shutdown and the like. If the head of a Fortune 500 company performed in this manner, he would be given the boot. Perhaps voters should think the same of those obstructionists on Capitol Hill who block action on measures to advance science and innovation the next time they head to the polls. In the meantime, it’s important for all of us who care about the future of biomedical and health research to get engaged.


It’s a myth that members of Congress don’t pay attention in the month of August. On the contrary, during this recess, they are meeting with their constituents to at least shore up support for their next campaigns.


This is the time to tell them that voters are expecting action, not more heated rhetoric. It’s time to tell them that tax and entitlement reform is essential — rational proposals that will reduce health care costs and sustain investments in research and development. Research and development is now classified as an investment rather than an expense by the Bureau of Economic Analysis in calculating the gross domestic product, a sensible approach in recognizing the value of R&D in generating future income and bolstering our economy.


Now, if only our esteemed leaders in Washington will do likewise. They must abandon the notion that research isn’t highly valued by most Americans compared with bread-and-butter issues. In fact, more than half of Americans are willing to spend more in taxes if they were certain that all of the money would be spent on additional medical research, according to polling (PDF) commissioned by Research!America, a nonprofit advocacy alliance.


Americans understand the importance of a long-term investment in medical and health research to spur private-sector innovation and produce the therapies, medical devices and treatments that will save lives. The importance of long-term priorities is, by the way, one of the ways a nation stands apart from a corporation beholden to shareholder demands for immediate return.


A nation’s leadership must view research through the prism of future generations: our children and grandchildren, who will benefit from both a health and economic standpoint as a result of today’s scientific discoveries. Imagine a world free of cancer, free of AIDS, free of Alzheimer’s, free of heart disease. It’s certainly possible if elected officials get beyond the rhetoric and take decisive action to strengthen our nation’s investments in research.


Follow us on Twitter @CNNOpinion.


Join us on Facebook/CNNOpinion.


The opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of John E. Porter.




CNN.com – Politics



A do-nothing Congress isn"t healthy

Saturday, August 3, 2013

Bhutan"s New Prime Minister Says Happiness Isn"t Everything





Tshering Tobgay receives appointment as prime minister in the Bhutanese capital, Thimpu, last week.



AFP/AFP/Getty Images

Tshering Tobgay receives appointment as prime minister in the Bhutanese capital, Thimpu, last week.



Tshering Tobgay receives appointment as prime minister in the Bhutanese capital, Thimpu, last week.


AFP/AFP/Getty Images



Sad but true, Bhutan’s Gross National Happiness index is not immune to politics.


Much has been made in recent years of the measure preferred by the tiny Buddhist kingdom over such cold and utilitarian Western-style metrics as gross domestic product.


The term “gross national happiness” was coined in 1972 by Bhutan’s former King Jigme Singye Wangchuk, and the idea of focusing on the less-quantifiable measure of happiness to determine the health of a nation has steadily gained currency among trendier academic and policy circles.


Canada, France and Britain have jumped on the happiness bandwagon by adding measures of citizen happiness to their official national statistics.In recent years, Bhutan’s (now former) Prime Minister Jigme Thinley and its Secretary of Gross National Happiness, Karma Tshiteem, have attended numerous conferences and talks at such venues as the World Economic Forum, Seattle’s Green Festival and a gathering in Vermont, where Tshiteem explained to NPR that his country was “more focused on creating the right conditions that can lead people to fulfilling, and hopefully, happy lives.”


But being a global champion of the Bhutanese ideal of happiness didn’t translate into votes at home, and last month, Thinley lost at the polls, a defeat that was “attributed partly to his aggressive international public relations campaign to promote GNH at the expense of domestic needs,” according to Business Insider.


Thinley’s successor, Tshering Tobgay, has already signaled he will step back from promoting GNH, both as a measure of success in his own country and as an object of international diplomacy.


Bhutan’s problems, as Tobgay points out, range from a “ballooning debt” that is barely sustainable, to unemployment and growing corruption. As a result of the problems, some in Bhutan have begun referring to the GNH derisively as “government needs help”, the BBC reports.


Tobgay, 47, says he supports the notion that gross national product isn’t the “be-all and end-all of development”, but he says, if the government “[spends] a disproportionate amount of time talking about GNH rather than delivering basic services, then it is a distraction.”


With the GNH’s reassessment at home, he is also reconsidering its value as an export, too.


Asked whether his government would continue promoting Gross National Happiness abroad, Tobgay said: “I believe it’s not the job of the government to do that.”


A study by National Geographic discovered that the world’s happiest places had some basic things in common, such as freedom from worry about getting healthcare and education, as well as a sense of equality — things that Tobgay would argue are missing in Bhutan.




News



Bhutan"s New Prime Minister Says Happiness Isn"t Everything

Sunday, June 9, 2013

The Most Contested Turf in Congress Isn’t Where You Think


Ron DeSantis dug into the batter’s box, his shadow stretching to the backstop in the morning light.


The first pitch was a fastball, although that’s a generous description. Even through his sun-squinted eyes, it must have resembled a beach ball as it floated to the plate. With an almost casual flick of the wrist and a twist of the hips, DeSantis sent it soaring. It traced a spectacular arc before landing over the fence—a good 320 feet from home plate—and coming to rest beside a sign that boasted “Home of the Titans.”


The sign referred to the high school baseball team that plays at the Alexandria, Va., field—but to the Republican onlookers, scrimmaging a month before their annual congressional game against the Democrats, it felt like a portent. To this clutch of lawmakers in ill-fitting baseball pants and gut-hugging T-shirts, DeSantis wasn’t just a 5-foot-11 first-term House member from Florida, a man who in suit and tie looks like any of a thousand lawyer-lobbyists who clog the capital. He became a Titan of their very own.


And he has much to bear. His teammates view DeSantis as a solution to the problem that is Rep. Cedric Richmond, the young Democratic pitcher from Louisiana who is universally considered the best congressional baseball player in memory, and the reason the Republicans have been completely embarrassed in the past two contests at Nationals Park.


“I think we’ll call him the ‘Ced-ric Slayer,’ ” said Rep. Bill Shuster of Pennsylvania, as DeSantis trotted around the bases of the freshly manicured field. Rep. Jeff Duncan of South Carolina, also impressed, turned to one of his colleagues. “I wanted to play the Darth Vader theme song when I came up to bat. But after that hit, I think maybe Ron should use it.”


It’s been a while since Republicans on Capitol Hill have had much to be excited about. Under the direction of Rep. Joe Barton of Texas—a manager who has been accused of abandoning free-market competition in favor of giving everyone playing time—the team has suffered a four-year losing streak. It hasn’t been fun. Most members of Congress already endure being backbenchers in the least productive and most despised institution in America. Add four humiliating defeats on a professional baseball field, and even the most self-assured members of society begin to doubt themselves.


Morale reached a nadir in 2011, a year that had looked good on paper. The tea party had swept dozens of new members into office, and the Democrats managed to elect only nine new faces to the House of Representatives. Unfortunately for the GOP, one of those rookies was the fearsome Richmond, a former starting pitcher for Morehouse College. In his first outing for the Dems, he pitched a complete-game one-hitter with 13 strikeouts. Last year, he fanned 16. The Republicans saw no end to that streak in sight.


But the 2012 elections brought them DeSantis, a former Navy officer who in 2001 captained the Yale baseball team. And now he was already the first GOP player ever to hit a ball out of this Virginia park, where the team has been practicing since having to leave its training site after an errant foul ball struck a teacher out on a smoking break.


Normally, a freshman from Florida would not be recognized in the halls of Congress, even by his colleagues. But prowess on the field trumps the furtive anonymity of legislating, thus making DeSantis one of the most popular new members in his caucus. Not a week goes by at the Capitol, he said, that he’s not stopped on the House floor or in the hallway to be asked about his arm or his swing.


The annals of sports are filled with names conjoined by epic rivalries: Magic and Bird; Ali and Frazier; Palmer and Nicklaus. For the most obsessed members of the congressional baseball teams—of which there are plenty—that list, they hope, could include Richmond and DeSantis.


“How serious do we take this?” asked Rep. Dennis Ross, a conservative from Florida with warning-track power. “We’re up at 5:30 [every] morning, practicing for an hour and a half, for one game.”


He added, “You won’t see a lot of these guys this serious in their other congressional duties.”


PAIN AND GAIN


Nobody comes to Washington to lose. The 535 members of Congress are some of the most competitive people in the world, and some of the more competitive of those suit up to play congressional baseball. It’s always been that way. It counts. So when Ross says his colleagues are putting the game ahead of other aspects of the job, he’s saying they are part of a century-old tradition.


In 1914, the contest between the parties made it impossible to get enough bodies on the House floor to debate a Civil War cotton-damage bill. House Speaker James Beauchamp “Champ” Clark dispatched the sergeant-at-arms to retrieve a group of members from the field, but even with a quorum, the chamber adjourned without making progress on the bill: The members still had their heads in the game.


And it’s not just the players’ work that takes a backseat to baseball; it’s their health as well. The first injury came two days before the first game in 1909, when Edward Vreeland broke his collarbone at practice, and recent examples abound. In 1994, Rep. Mike Oxley shattered his arm running into Sen. Sherrod Brown at first base; in 1996, Rep. Tim Holden collided mouth first with Rep. Bill Jefferson in foul territory, leaving tooth marks in his fellow Democrat’s forehead and sending them both to the emergency room; and in 2008, Rep. Louie Gohmert tore his ACL and meniscus on a play at the plate.


The game has such a storied history of injuries that Speaker Sam Rayburn of Texas discontinued the rivalry in 1958, saying it had gotten too physical. When play resumed in 1962, a new era dawned, one with true bragging rights at stake. Games would still be played only once a year, but three wins in a five-game series would earn the coveted Roll Call Trophy, so named after the Capitol Hill newspaper that sponsors the game. As it stands, Republicans have won 10 of these trophies, and the Democrats have won only three (the overall win-loss record is much closer, with Republicans having a 41-37 edge). Already with one win in the current series, and with a team that is arguably better than last year, the Democrats have designs on getting a step closer to their fourth trophy on June 13.


Larger version


So the game means perhaps as much as it ever has. Just ask Rep. Lou Barletta, a relief pitcher from Pennsylvania who lost 20 pounds in the offseason and works out with a former minor-league ballplayer each week when he heads back to his district.


Or watch Austin Scott barrel headfirst into home during practice, scoring with something that was one part slide, another part tumble. With his colleagues cheering him on, the Georgian brushed the dirt off of his red shirt and proclaimed, “I hate to lose.”


SIZING THEM UP


When Rep. Mike Doyle, the current coach of the Democratic team, came to Congress from his Pittsburgh-area district in 1994, he was greeted by a peculiar question.


“I was standing in line to get my picture taken for my voting card, and someone comes up to me and said, ‘Can you throw?’ ” he recalled in his Capitol Hill office. These days, Doyle looks less the player and more the old-timey portly manager, sitting in his leather chair and flanked by two trophies and a glory wall of congressional baseball photographs. “I said, ‘Pardon me? Can I throw what?’ ”


The question came from Rep. Martin Sabo, the party’s coach. He was on the prowl for players, a mission that felt very bizarre to Doyle. Not anymore. “I couldn’t believe that the first question I was asked after getting elected was if I could play baseball,” Doyle said with a laugh. “But now that I manage the team, any time there’s an election, my first question for any freshmen who looks at all athletic is, ‘Can you throw?’ ”


Naturally, it was the first thing he asked Cedric Richmond after he was elected in 2010. The answer made him giddy. This was a game Richmond has been mastering since he was a kid, growing up near a ball field in eastern New Orleans. Sports were always an important part of Richmond’s life, especially after losing his father when he was just 7 years old. His coaches became his role models, and he quickly excelled athletically. By the time he reached Morehouse College, Richmond was a five-tool baseball player, adept not only on the pitcher’s mound but also as a center fielder.


Unlike Doyle, Richmond was not taken by surprise when asked in Washington if he could play baseball. He knew it was coming. Even before arriving on the Hill, Richmond had heard from his predecessor, Rep. Bill Jefferson, about the game. Assistant Democratic Leader James Clyburn had even warned him not to “go out there and embarrass us.”


“I knew it was serious,” Richmond said. “So I got my behind to the gym to get in shape.”


When he took the mound for the first time at Nationals Park in 2011, it was clear that he was in a different league than his mostly potbellied rivals. With a fastball that topped 80 miles an hour, Richmond looked like he was tossing Lipitor pills. He took a no-hitter into the eighth inning.


“I’ve been involved with this game for 27 years, and he is the best player on either side of the aisle I have seen play in the time I’ve been here,” the GOP’s Barton said.


After that game, Republicans took the year to regroup. During the three months of practice leading up to the 2012 showdown, they invested in new pitching machines they could crank up to 85 mph to get used to Richmond’s speed. They also brought in some young hard-throwing staffers and a few former minor leaguers to toss batting practice.


Last year’s game fell on the same day the Supreme Court ruled to uphold President Obama’s health care law and the Republican-controlled House held Attorney General Eric Holder in contempt of Congress. “We went to the game, and both sides had some victory that day,” Richmond said. “So we went to the game and said, let’s break the tie right here.”


Republicans were ready for the fastball. So Richmond threw the curve. The Democrats won 18-5.


Barton was in need of some new players. And he was vocal about it, telling staff members at the National Republican Campaign Committee, “Don’t be afraid to recruit some flat-bellies.” After becoming part of the NRCC’s Young Guns programs, DeSantis cruised to an electoral victory.


And while he knows he won’t be able to single-handedly tilt the score back in the GOP’s favor (he’s gone so far as to tell his teammates to donate money from their leadership PACs to support former major-league pitcher Jeff Suppan, if he decides to run in California), DeSantis is more than confident he can do his part. Compact and strong, with hands like baseball mitts, he says that in some ways he’s in better shape than he was during his college days.


“It was the steroid era back then,” DeSantis said in an interview in his office. He was in coat and tie, but his game-day jersey, a green Stetson University uniform, hung over his sofa. “I wasn’t using, but I was lifting a lot of weights, and it wasn’t that good for my arm.”


Now, instead of benching 305 pounds, DeSantis does sets of more than 80 push-ups. As for whether he thinks he can hit Richmond, he says, “I’m pretty sure whoever they put out there I’ll be able to hit. I was always the kind of hitter that if you threw it 92 miles per hour at me, I’d hit it right back at you.”


ROLE REVERSAL


That Doyle was willing to keep Richmond on the mound for two complete games speaks to the Pennsylvanian’s coaching style. He plays to win, even if that means some players don’t play. “This isn’t Little League,” he says. “I’ve got a bunch of prima donnas who think they have the right to play, but I make that decision.”


Here lies one of the great ironies of the game: While the Democrats only let you play if you’re good enough, the GOP’s Barton gives everyone a chance. One disgruntled Republican, who wished to remain anonymous out of fear that he might lose playing time, referred to Barton’s coaching style as “socialist baseball.”


But don’t expect the coach to change his philosophy, even if his team has almost 30 players. “It wouldn’t be right not to let everyone get some playing time,” Barton said in an interview in a congressional office noticeably bare of trophies. “Imagine seeing your friends and family in the stands after the game and not having gotten to play. I don’t want some kid to look at one of my players and say, ‘Daddy, why didn’t you get in the game?’ ”


It may sound like the everybody-gets-a-ribbon rationale that Democrats use to argue for a social-safety net, but Barton has an ulterior motive for giving everyone playing time. “Every one of my players has a voting card,” Barton said. “You never know when I’ll need one of their votes.” It’s actually not clear whether he will ever need their votes: Barton was replaced as chairman of the Energy and Commerce Committee in 2010.


And yet, these politics, whether real or imagined, often intrude. The first time DeSantis and Richmond faced each other wasn’t on the ball field. It was at a recent Judiciary Committee hearing featuring Holder.


With the four-hour hearing coming to an end, DeSantis and Richmond were two of the last remaining members. As DeSantis tried to tear Holder down, demanding to know where was the credibility and accountability in the various scandals plaguing the White House, Richmond sat just seats away calling for more decorum during the proceedings.


Days later, in an interview in the Speaker’s Lobby, Richmond implied that his first impression of DeSantis may act as motivation for him on the field. He even has some trash talk prepared.


“I might just say, ‘Hey Ron, this one’s for the AG,’ ” he said with a smirk.


DEALIN’


The day before DeSantis hit one out during the GOP practice, the Democrats held their own workout. They were in a good mood. It didn’t matter that their field in Northeast D.C. was lumpier than the Republicans’ practice facilities, that a couple of homeless people slept on nearby benches, or that Rep. Dan Kildee had just pulled a calf muscle on a bumbling attempt to run down a fly ball. What mattered was that Richmond was on the mound.


Sen. Chris Murphy of Connecticut cut on and missed a fastball that Richmond threw at about three-quarter speed.


“Hey, Murph, you wanna use this bat?” Rep. Tim Bishop called out, holding up the smallest bat he could find in the dugout.


“Is that a woman’s bat?” Murphy asked. “I’m OK.”


When Richmond let a fastball sail, flying over the catcher’s outstretched glove and rattling the backstop, Sen. Joe Donnelly, who was standing in the on-deck circle, looked to his colleagues and shouted, “I’m gonna use my good helmet today!”


The team has had plenty to smile about. Chief among the reasons is the addition of Rep. Patrick Murphy, the 29-year-old who defeated tea-party icon Allen West in a Florida nail-biter.


Rumors have been swirling that he may even get to pitch (giving Richmond the chance to catch, and really get to trash talk), but it’s not clear how much the Democrats want to commit to him. On the one hand, he’s young enough that if he can play, he may be good for years to come. On the other, he is already considered one of the most endangered Democrats in the House. It means he may not work out for the team in the long term.


What’s sure is that Coach Doyle won’t let on what his plan is until game day. If congressional baseball is anything, it’s an exercise in deceit. Usually, it’s self-deceit: delusional grown men taking a game too seriously. But, sometimes, it’s a tool wielded to gain some sort of advantage.


“There’s always a misinformation campaign going on between the teams,” Doyle said. “I’m hearing from my Republican friends that DeSantis might be hurt, or that he can’t really throw—but who knows. They could just be peeing down our leg.”


And while the game plan may be as difficult to pin down as one of the knuckleballs Richmond says he plans to feature this year (unless that, too, is just a ruse), one thing is sure. Doyle is not worried about the Republicans’ Great White Hope.


“We have one player who can actually play baseball, and another who is just legend right now,” he says. “Seeing is believing.”


Correction: An earlier version of this story incorrectly identified Rep. Ron DeSantis, R-Fla., as a former Navy SEAL.




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The Most Contested Turf in Congress Isn’t Where You Think